“[131] When this country legislated to ban both race and sex discrimination, there were some who thought such matters trivial, but of course they were not trivial to the people concerned. Still less trivial are the rights and freedoms set out in the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms 1950 (as set out in Sch 1 to theHuman Rights Act 1998 ). The state’s duty under art 14, to secure that those rights and freedoms are enjoyed without discrimination based on such suspect grounds, is fundamental to the scheme of the convention as a whole. It would be a poor human rights instrument indeed if it obliged the state to respect the homes or private lives of one group of people but not the homes or private lives of another. [132] Such a guarantee of equal treatment is also essential to democracy. Democracy is founded on the principle that each individual has equal value. Treating some as automatically having less value than others not only causes pain and distress to that person but also violates his or her dignity as a human being. The essence of the convention, as has often been said, is respect for human dignity and human freedom: see Pretty v UK(2002) 12 BHRC 149 at 184 (para 65). Second, such treatment is damaging to society as a whole. Wrongly to assume that some people have talent and others do not is a huge waste of human resources. It also damages social cohesion, creating not only an underclass, but an underclass with a rational grievance. Third, it is the reverse of the rational behaviour we now expect of government and the state. Power must not be exercised arbitrarily. If distinctions are to be drawn, particularly upon a group basis, it is an important discipline to look for a rational basis for those distinctions. Finally, it is a purpose of all human rights instruments to secure the protection of the essential rights of members of minority groups, even when they are unpopular with the majority. Democracy values everyone equally even if the majority does not.”
“[The] limitations of the principle of formal or procedural equality have led to attempts to develop the concept of substantive or material equality. Here we can identify three different, but overlapping, approaches. The first is equality of results. Apparently consistent treatment infringes the goal of substantive equality if the results are unequal. Inequality of results itself can be understood in three senses. The first focuses on the impact of apparently equal treatment on the individual. The second is concerned with the results on a group (e.g. women, ethnic groups, people with disabilities etc.), and the third demands an outcome which is equal, for example equal remuneration for women doing work of equal value with that of men, or equal representation of women and men in the same grade. The concept of indirect or adverse impact discrimination is that an apparently neutral practice or criterion has an unjustifiable adverse impact upon the group to which an individual belongs. The best-known examples are recruitment, promotion or selection criteria for lay-offs with which it is significantly more difficult for members of a disadvantaged group to comply. It is thus results-oriented in the first sense, in that the treatment must be detrimental to an individual, but it also involves equality of results in the second sense. However, the concept of indirect discrimination is not redistributive in the third sense. If there is no exclusionary practice or criterion or if no significant disparate impact can be shown, or if there is an objective business or administrative justification for the practice, then there is no violation.”
“[56]…although the member states must, in the organisation and application of their social assistance systems, show a certain degree of financial solidarity with nationals of other member states (see Grzelczyk v Centre public d’aide socialeOttignies-Louvain-la-Neuve (Case C-184/99 )[2002] ICR 566 , 599, para 44), it is permissible for a member state to ensure that the grant of assistance to cover the maintenance costs of students from other member states does not become an unreasonable burden which could have consequences for the overall level of assistance which may be granted by that state. [57] In the case of assistance covering the maintenance costs of students, it is thus legitimate for a member state to grant such assistance only to students who have demonstrated a certain degree of integration into the society of that state.”
“[76] Mere generalisations … are not enough to provide evidence on the basis of which it could be reasonably considered that the means chosen were suitable for achieving that aim.”
“… I would accept that great weight should be given to the judgment of the Home Secretary, his colleagues and Parliament on this question [state of emergency threatening the life of the nation for the purposes ofart 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights ], because they were called on to exercise a pre-eminently political judgment. It involved making a factual prediction of what various people around the world might or might not do, and when (if at all) they might do it, and what the consequences might be if they did. Any prediction about the future behaviour of human beings (as opposed to the phases of the moon or high water at London Bridge) is necessarily problematical. Reasonable and informed minds may differ, and a judgment is not shown to be wrong or unreasonable because that which is thought likely to happen does not happen. It would have been irresponsible not to err, if at all, on the side of safety. As will become apparent, I do not accept the full breadth of the Attorney General’s argument on what is generally called the deference owed by the courts to the political authorities. It is perhaps preferable to approach this question as one of demarcation of functions or what Liberty in its written case called ‘relative institutional competence’. The more purely political (in a broad or narrow sense) a question is, the more appropriate it will be for political resolution and the less likely it is to be an appropriate matter for judicial decision. The smaller, therefore, will be the potential role of the court. It is the function of political and not judicial bodies to resolve political questions. Conversely, the greater the legal content of any issue, the greater the potential role of the court, because under our constitution and subject to the sovereign power of Parliament it is the function of the courts and not of political bodies to resolve legal questions. The present question seems to me to be very much at the political end of the spectrum (see Secretary of State for the Home Dept v Rehman[2001] UKHL 47 at [62],[2002] 1 All ER 122 at [62],[2003] 1 AC 153 , per Lord Hoffmann). The appellants recognised this by acknowledging that the Home Secretary’s decision on the present question was less readily open to challenge than his decision (as they argued) on some other questions. This reflects the unintrusive approach of the European Court of Human Rights to such a question. I conclude that the appellants have shown no ground strong enough to warrant displacing the Secretary of State’s decision on this important threshold question.”
“In very limited circumstances, a difference of treatment may be justified where a characteristic related to racial or ethnic origin constitutes a genuine and determining occupational requirement, when the objective is legitimate and the requirement is proportionate. Such circumstances should be included in the information provided by the Member States to the Commission.”
‘either the imposition of the birthplace/bloodlink criteria was justified by the close links of the applicants with the United Kingdom as defined by descent in which case it was inescapably and avowedly intended to discriminate between different categories of British internees on grounds of descent and thus should logically constitute impermissible discrimination on grounds of national origin; or the birthplace/bloodlink criterion was an adventitious factor in which case reliance in it cannot be said to be a proportionate means of achieving the supposedly legitimate aim of making payment only to those with close links to the United Kingdom.’
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