“My inclination, therefore, for the purposes of this appeal is to assume without finally deciding that in circumstances such as arise here the court could indeed strike down national penal legislation simply on the ground that it offends the principle of proportionality. That said, however, it seems to me that only most exceptionally could the court properly do so.”
“[26] … it seems to me that ultimately one single question arises for determination by the court: is the scheme not merely harsh but plainly unfair so that, however effectively that unfairness may assist in achieving the social goal, it simply cannot be permitted? In addressing this question I for my part would recognise a wide discretion in the Secretary of State in his task of devising a suitable scheme, and a high degree of deference due by the court to Parliament when it comes to determining its legality. Our law is now replete with dicta at the very highest level commending the courts to show such deference. I take as a single example what Lord Bingham of Cornhill said in Brown v Stott[2003] 1 AC 681 , 703: ‘Judicial recognition and assertion of the human rights defined in the Convention is not a substitute for the processes of democratic government but a complement to them. While a national court does not accord the margin of appreciation recognised by the European Court as a supra-national court, it will give weight to the decisions of a representative legislature and a democratic government within the discretionary area of judgment accorded to those bodies …’ [27] That said, the court’s role under the 1998 Act is as the guardian of human rights. It cannot abdicate this responsibility. If ultimately it judges the scheme to be quite simply unfair, then the features that make it so must inevitably breach the Convention.”
“ … where a Community regulation does not specifically provide any penalty for an infringement or refers for that purpose to national laws, regulations and administrative provisions, article 5 of the EEC Treaty requires the Member States to take all measures necessary to guarantee the application and effectiveness of Community law. For that purpose, whilst the choice of penalties remains within their discretion, they must ensure in particular that infringements of Community law are penalized under conditions, both procedural and substantive, which are analogous to those applicable to infringements of national law of a similar nature and importance and which, in any event, make the penalty effective, proportionate and dissuasive.”
“The legislation must not only have a legitimate policy objective. It must also satisfy a ‘proportionality’ test. The court must decide whether the means employed by the statute to achieve the policy objective is appropriate and not disproportionate in its adverse effect. This involves a ‘value judgment’ by the court, made by reference to the circumstances prevailing when the issue has to be decided. It is the current effect and impact of the legislation which matter, not the position when the legislation was enacted or came into force.”
“Member states must inevitably have the very widest margin of appreciation for determining just what penalties are appropriate to underpin the efficient functioning of the value added tax system operating in their own country. This they must do in the light of their own individual experience. That, indeed, seems to me implicit in the judgment of the European Court of Justice in [ Anklagemyndigheden v Hansen und Søn I/S ] and, whatever emerges from the many other cases cited to me, certainly nothing in them encourages the view that the court will readily regard a system of penalties as falling foul of the doctrine of proportionality.”
“Notwithstanding our opinion as to whether the present system is ‘strictly necessary’, we are however unable to conclude that the system is ‘devoid of reasonable foundation’ (see Gasus Dosier ) or ‘not merely harsh but plainly unfair’ (see Roth ).”
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