“PLEASE READ THIS! THEY ARE BRAINWASHING OUR CHILDREN! ** On November 7th the Government Consultation into making Relationships Education mandatory in primary schools, and Relationships and Sex Education mandatory in secondary schools closes. Which means, for example, that children will be taught that all relationships are equally valid and ‘normal’, so that same sex marriage is exactly the same as traditional marriage, and that gender is a matter of choice, not biology, so that it’s up to them what sex they are. At the same time it means that expressing and teaching fundamental Christian beliefs, relating to the creation of men and women and marriage will in practice become forbidden - because they conflict with the new morality and are seen as indoctrination into unacceptable religious bigotry. Which means that freedom of belief will be destroyed, with freedom of speech permitted only for those who toe the party line! We say again, this is a vicious form of totalitarianism … aimed at suppressing Christianity and removing it from the public arena. ***Please sign this petition, they have already started to brainwash our innocent wonderfully created children and its happening in our local primary school now***”
“Uphold the right of parents to have children educated in line with their religious beliefs. …”
“… that a member of your staff who works directly with children has been posting homophobic and prejudiced views against the lgbt community on Facebook … [and] that this individual may exert influence over the vulnerable pupils that may end up in isolation for whatever reason. I find these views offensive and I am sure that when you look into it, you will understand my concern. …”
“I’m aware that not everyone has liberal views like myself but I do feel that people working directly with children should refrain from posting this type of view on social media. I know of several children at Farmors who might fit into the category of person your staff member seems to find so obnoxious, friends of my children even. …”
“While normal Americans are busy at work trying to provide for their families, liberal school systems are busy indoctrinating their children. Kindergarten and first grade children are being primed for a gender fluid society. Of course, the schools are introducing the propaganda in the name of anti-bullying campaigns, but we know better. They are busy recruiting children for the transgender roster. Their agenda is not about bullying. They are using our children to promote their gender free society of madness. … They are stealing the innocence of our children with a devious scheme to supplant traditional gender roles by differentiating a child’s gender assignment at birth with his perceived gender. … … The far-left zealots have hijacked the learning environment, and they insist on cramming their perverted vision of gender fluidity down the throats of unsuspecting school children who are a government mandated captive audience. … The LBGT crowd with the assistance of progressive school systems are destroying the minds of normal children by promoting mental illness. Delusional thinking is a form of psychotic thinking, and we have professionals promoting it to our young kids.”
“Yes. I am not against gay, lesbian or transgender people. It’s about making sure people are aware of what’s going on in the primary school. It’s not about the schools, they are just following government policy, it’s about the government.”
“I don’t regret making the posts, it’s about the children in the primary school. I don’t have any issues with gay, lesbian or transgender people, I love all people.”
“Brainwashing was not the best language to use” the claimant explained that: “… the post is about what the government is trying to do in my son’s Christian primary schools.” pointing out: “I copied and pasted this – they are not my words, I should have used my own wording or put a link instead. I believe marriage is between a man and a woman, I am not having a go at gays as there are gay people who think like that too.”
“I know that there are transgenders and gays who do have the same beliefs as me. Brainwashing was a bad word to use, I shouldn’t have copied and pasted. I am not against gay people, it doesn’t say that.”
“No I don’t. Students know me and I know gay students, I wouldn’t treat any of them any different. … I wouldn’t bring this into school.”
“People should know my belief … as people on [Facebook] … are my friends. They would know me as a person and know I wouldn’t discriminate. If anything I am being discriminated against as I have shared what the government is doing, this is what I stand for …”
“… by choosing to make the posts, and stating that she believes in God’s Law and not Man’s Law, I believe that, on the balance of probability, this means that she holds views that are discriminatory against groups of people with protected characteristics.”
“Whilst not making any direct discriminatory comments about students at Farmor’s School, the posts use discriminatory language and are endorsed by [the claimant] which would indicate that she shares these views. On the balance of probability this would be interpreted that she holds illegal discriminatory views that are not in line with theEquality Act 2010 and therefore has breached the Conduct policy.”
“any illegal discrimination; … serious inappropriate use of social media e.g. Facebook or other online comments that could bring the school into disrepute.”
“52. … anyone posting on such a platform as Facebook effectively loses control of their posts, at least when a large number of people can access them.”
“65. … It might be contended that there was a different course of action the [respondent] could have taken, in the light of the position made clear by [the claimant] in the disciplinary process. Since she denied being homophobic or transphobic, a reasonable employer might have taken the view that justice would be served by her (or [the respondent]) making it clear that if anyone thought she held those views they had got “the wrong end of the stick” – that pupils and parents should not be concerned that she would demonstrate any sort of hostility to gay or trans pupils (or indeed gay or trans parents).”
“66. … for the simple reason that it was irrelevant to our considerations. Our only task was to decide if there was a causal connection between the [claimant’s] beliefs [as recorded] in paragraph 30 and the treatment meted out to [her].”
“70. … possible to see some sort of connection between her beliefs and that treatment. The posts in question clearly expressed those beliefs, both in relation to same sex marriage and gender fluidity.”
“… was not a consequence of her expressing those beliefs in a temperate and rational way. Rather it was because [the respondent] felt that the language used in those posts might reasonably lead someone who read them to conclude that she held views (homophobic and transphobic) that she expressly rejected.”
“71. … conclusion that her action in posting the items in question might reasonably (and in fact did) lead others to conclude that she held wholly unacceptable views.”
“…, the European Union is founded on the principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law, principles which are common to all Member States and it respects fundamental rights, as guaranteed by the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and as they result from the constitutional traditions common to the Member States, as general principles of Community law.”
“Discrimination based on religion or belief … may undermine the achievement of the objectives of the EC Treaty, in particular the attainment of a high level of employment and social protection, raising the standard of living and the quality of life, economic and social cohesion and solidarity, and the free movement of persons.”
“30 In so far as the ECHR and, subsequently, the Charter use the term ‘religion’ in a broad sense, in that they include in it the freedom of persons to manifest their religion, the EU legislature must be considered to have intended to take the same approach when adopting Directive 2000/78, and therefore the concept of ‘religion’ in Article 1 of that directive should be interpreted as covering both the forum internum, that is the fact of having a belief, and the forum externum, that is the manifestation of religious faith in public.”
“(5) This Directive shall be without prejudice to measures laid down by national law which, in a democratic society, are necessary for public security, for the maintenance of public order and the prevention of criminal offences, for the protection of health and for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.”
“1. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief, in worship, teaching, practice and observance. 2. Freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs shall be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of public safety, for the protection of public order, health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.”
“104. … as enshrined in Art.9, freedom of thought, conscience and religion is one of the foundations of a “democratic society” within the meaning of the Convention. This freedom is, in its religious dimension, one of the most vital elements that go to make up the identity of believers and their conception of life, but it is also a precious asset for atheists, agnostics, sceptics and the unconcerned. The pluralism indissociable from a democratic society, which has been dearly won over the centuries, depends on it. That freedom entails, inter alia, freedom to hold or not to hold religious beliefs and to practise or not to practise a religion. 105. Article 9 does not protect every act motivated or inspired by a religion or belief. 106. In democratic societies, in which several religions co-exist within one and the same population, it may be necessary to place restrictions on freedom to manifest one's religion or belief in order to reconcile the interests of the various groups and ensure that everyone's beliefs are respected. This follows both from para.2 of Art.9 and the State's positive obligation underArt.1 of the Convention to secure to everyone within its jurisdiction the rights and freedoms defined in the Convention. 107. … Accordingly, the role of the authorities in such circumstances is not to remove the cause of tension by eliminating pluralism, but to ensure that the competing groups tolerate each other. 108. Pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness are hallmarks of a “democratic society”
“82. Even where the belief in question attains the required level of cogency and importance, it cannot be said that every act which is in some way inspired, motivated or influenced by it constitutes a “manifestation” of the belief. Thus, for example, acts or omissions which do not directly express the belief concerned or which are only remotely connected to a precept of faith fall outside the protection of art.9(1). In order to count as a “manifestation” within the meaning of art.9, the act in question must be intimately linked to the religion or belief. An example would be an act of worship or devotion which forms part of the practice of a religion or belief in a generally recognised form. However, the manifestation of religion or belief is not limited to such acts; the existence of a sufficiently close and direct nexus between the act and the underlying belief must be determined on the facts of each case. In particular, there is no requirement on the applicant to establish that he or she acted in fulfilment of a duty mandated by the religion in question.”
“1. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers. … 2. The exercise of these freedoms, since it carries with it duties and responsibilities, may be subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society, in the interests of national security, territorial integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, for the protection of the reputation or rights of others, for preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, or for maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary.”
“49. … The Court's supervisory functions oblige it to pay the utmost attention to the principles characterising a ‘democratic society’. Freedom of expression constitutes one of the essential foundations of such a society, one of the basic conditions for its progress and for the development of every man. Subject to Article 10 (2), it is applicable not only to ‘information’ or ‘ideas’ that are favourably received or regarded as inoffensive or as a matter of indifference, but also to those that offend, shock or disturb the State or any sector of the population. Such are the demands of that pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness without which there is no ‘democratic society’. This means, amongst other things, that every ‘formality’, ‘condition’, ‘restriction’ or ‘penalty’ imposed in this sphere must be proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued.”
“2. In R v Central Independent Television plc[1994] Fam 192 , 202-203, Hoffmann LJ said that: “… a freedom which is restricted to what judges think to be responsible or in the public interest is no freedom. Freedom means the right to publish things which government and judges, however well motivated, think should not be published. It means the right to say things which ‘right-thinking people’ regard as dangerous or irresponsible. This freedom is subject only to clearly defined exceptions laid down by common law or statute.” 3. Also much quoted are the words of Sedley LJ in Redmond-Bate v Director of Public Prosecutions(1999) 7 BHRC 375 , [20]: “Free speech includes not only the inoffensive but the irritating, the contentious, the eccentric, the heretical, the unwelcome and the provocative … Freedom only to speak inoffensively is not worth having ...” 4. In R v Shayler[2003] 1 AC 247 , [21], Lord Bingham emphasised the connection between freedom of expression and democracy. He observed that ‘the fundamental right of free expression has been recognised at common law for very many years’ and explained: “The reasons why the right to free expression is regarded as fundamental are familiar, but merit brief restatement in the present context. Modern democratic government means government of the people by the people for the people. But there can be no government by the people if they are ignorant of the issues to be resolved, the arguments for and against different solutions and the facts underlying those arguments. The business of government is not an activity about which only those professionally engaged are entitled to receive information and express opinions. It is, or should be, a participatory process. But there can be no assurance that government is carried out for the people unless the facts are made known, the issues publicly ventilated …”.”
“6. Freedom of political speech is a freedom of the very highest importance in any country which lays claim to being a democracy. Restrictions on this freedom need to be examined rigorously by all concerned, not least the courts...”
“46. … the Court reiterates that freedom of expression is applicable not only to ‘information’ or ‘ideas’ that are favourably received or regarded as inoffensive or as a matter of indifference but also to those that offend, shock or disturb the State or any section of the community. In addition, journalistic freedom also covers possible recourse to a degree of exaggeration, or even provocation …. … 48. Although Mr De Haes and Mr Gijsels’ comments were without doubt severely critical, they nevertheless appear proportionate to the stir and indignation caused by the matters alleged in their articles. As to the journalists’ polemical and even aggressive tone, which the Court should not be taken to approve, it must be remembered that Article 10 … protects not only the substance of the ideas and information expressed but also the form in which they are conveyed ….”
“250. … there is a vigorous ongoing debate about trans rights. Professor Stock’s evidence shows that some involved in the debate are readily willing to label those with different viewpoints as ‘transphobic’ or as displaying ‘hatred’ when they are not. It is clear that there are those on one side of the debate who simply will not tolerate different views, even when they are expressed by legitimate scholars whose views are not grounded in hatred, bigotry, prejudice or hostility, but are based on legitimately different value judgments, reasoning and analysis, and form part of mainstream academic research. 251. The Claimant's tweets were, for the most part, either opaque, profane, or unsophisticated. That does not rob them of the protection of Article 10(1). I am quite clear that they were expressions of opinion on a topic of current controversy, namely gender recognition. Unsubtle though they were, the Claimant expressed views which are congruent with the views of a number of respected academics who hold gender-critical views and do so for profound socio-philosophical reasons. This conclusion is reinforced by Ms Ginsberg's evidence, which shows that many other people hold concerns similar to those held by the Claimant. 252. The Defendants submitted that this contextual evidence was not relevant to the issues in this case. I disagree. It is relevant because in the Article 10 context, special protection is afforded to political speech and debate on questions of public interest: see eg Vajnai v Hungary …”
“68. The concept of a chilling effect in the context of freedom of expression is an extremely important one. It often arises in discussions about what if any restrictions on journalistic activity are lawful; but … it is equally important when considering the rights of private citizens to express their views within the limits of the law, including and one might say in particular, on controversial matters of public interest. …”
“43. … carries with it duties and responsibilities. Amongst them – in the context of religious opinions and beliefs – may legitimately be included an obligation to avoid as far as possible expressions that are gratuitously offensive to others and thus an infringement of their rights, and which therefore do not contribute to any form of public debate capable of furthering progress in human affairs…”
“45. … focusses on the quality or nature of the speech, whether it makes a meaningful contribution to public debate and/or whether it infringes the rights of others. But, of course, other bases on which offensive speech may be restricted include public safety and the prevention of disorder or crime.”
“[Counsel for the claimants] referred on a number of occasions to the officers in this case having a ‘positive duty’ to protect the speaker's Convention rights even where what they say is unpopular or offensive. That may be true, as far as it goes. But as those rights are qualified any such duty does not mean, as he appeared to contend, that police officers must always side with the speaker in such a case and must always ensure that they are able to say what they wish to say. It does, however, mean that any action which they take to inhibit the speaker's freedom of expression must be ‘justified’ … and proportionate. Moreover, these provisions must be applied having regard to the importance of the relevant rights, and the justification for any infringement must therefore be convincing ...”
“23. … is not synonymous with ‘indispensable’, neither has it the flexibility of such expressions as ‘admissible’, ‘ordinary’, ‘useful’, ‘reasonable’ or ‘desirable’ …. One must consider whether the interference complained of corresponded to a pressing social need, whether it was proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued and whether the reasons given by the national authority to justify it are relevant and sufficient …”
“30. ….make a value judgment, an evaluation, by reference to the circumstances prevailing at the relevant time: Wilson v First County Trust Ltd (No 2)[2004] 1 AC 816 , paras 62–67. Proportionality must be judged objectively, by the court: R (Williamson) v Secretary of State for Education and Employment[2005] 2 AC 246 para 51. … it is in my view clear that the court must confront these questions, however difficult. ...”
“49. … The first question for the Tribunal was what conduct on the Appellant's part caused the Authority to discipline him: that necessarily involved, in one sense, a consideration of its reasons. The answer is straightforward: it was responding to the Appellant's having expressed his views about homosexuality in the media (compounded by his having done so without giving the Trust prior notice). The next question is whether his expression of those views constituted a manifestation of his religious belief in the sense explained in Eweida … in answering that question it is not relevant to consider the [employer]'s thinking. …”
“68. … In a direct discrimination claim the essential question is whether the act complained of was done because of the protected characteristic, or, to put the same thing another way, whether the protected characteristic was the reason for it…. It is thus necessary in every case properly to characterise the putative discriminator’s reason for acting. In the context of the protected characteristic of religion or belief the EAT case-law has recognised a distinction between (1) the case where the reason is the fact that the claimant holds and/or manifests the protected belief, and (2) the case where the reason is that the claimant had manifested that belief in some particular way to which objection could justifiably be taken. In the latter case it is the objectionable manifestation of the belief, and not the belief itself, which is treated as the reason for the act complained of. Of course, if the consequences are not such as to justify the act complained of, they cannot sensibly be treated as separate from an objection to the belief itself.”
“74. … in such a case the ‘mental processes’ which cause the respondent to act do not involve the belief but only its objectionable manifestation … Also, and importantly, although it gets there by a different route (because the provisions in question are drafted in very different ways), the recognition of that distinction in the application of section 13 achieves substantially the same result as the distinction inarticle 9 of the Convention between the absolute right to hold a religious or other belief and the qualified right to manifest it. It is obviously highly desirable that the domestic and Convention jurisprudence should correspond.”
“62. … had [the claimant’s] beliefs been simply stated on her Facebook page in the form which they appear [in her case before the ET] in paragraph 30 above, no further action could or would have been taken against her. …”
“70. … possible to see some sort of connection between her beliefs and [the respondent’s] treatment. The posts in question clearly expressed those beliefs, both in relation to same sex marriage and gender fluidity. …”
“70. … was not a consequence of her expressing [her] beliefs in a temperate and rational way. Rather, it was because the [respondent] felt that the language used in those posts might reasonably lead someone who read them to conclude that she held views (homophobic and transphobic) that she expressly rejected.”