“[215] As for those elements which could be said to militate in favour of maintaining both exemptions and reflecting the considerations listed above, the Tribunal takes into account the following factors. First, it takes into account the relatively low weight which can be attributed to the survey or surveys conducted by the DWP as against what it regards as the far more persuasive evidence relating to the case studies. Second, it takes into account the fact that big commercial organisations such as Tesco can be expected to have a thick skin should their names be disclosed. In this connection it also takes into account the position of what have been called the smaller, more vulnerable charitable organisations. However, as to the latter, as has been said, the Tribunal finds there to be no evidence which compels a finding in favour of either exemption militating in favour of non-disclosure in these appeals. In the case of what are controversial programmes, again as has been pointed out, big firms can be expected to demonstrate suitable robustness, whilst smaller charities who are perhaps less immune to criticism will inevitably suffer economic uncertainty for a variety of reasons, including loss of donations and a variable workforce. However, at least one charity, namely The Salvation Army, has remained within the schemes.”
“[192] It follows that the best way to judge whether there was the requisite degree of likely prejudice is therefore to analyse what actually happened in the particular cases that are put before the Tribunal. The critical question in the Tribunal’s judgment is to see whether the fact of being named had in any of such cases led to a withdrawal from the scheme or schemes. To ask who pulled out because of media coverage is to ask the wrong question.”
“[196] Another three case studies within the seven referred to above involved three charitable organisations, namely PDSA, Sue Ryder and The Salvation Army. All three feature in the lists which are available in the public domain. In the year since the disclosure of the names of those three charities, The Salvation Army is still, as it was put in the appeal ‘holding the line’. As for the other two, what needed to be shown was the critical causal link between the act of naming them and any consequential commercial prejudice or real risk of commercial prejudice. The Tribunal is not satisfied that the causal link has been demonstrated. The first two of the three charities referred to above can rightly be termed as being, to some extent, vulnerable. It is to be expected that some charities find it difficult if not impossible to defend themselves against the actions of Boycott Workfare as robustly as the Tescos of this world. The Tribunal finds that even if it could be said that these two charitable entities did not otherwise address any media attention they attracted, there is no clear evidence that as a result of being named they suffered or were likely to suffer commercial prejudice.”
“[193] Both articles are entirely unremarkable. They involve no more and no less than standard criticism of a scheme or schemes that was or were controversial in any event. The same observation can be made about any and all other blogs such as the Boycott Welfare blog.”
“[217] First, the existence and facts surrounding the case studies described earlier in this section show that no prejudice of any substance has been experienced. [218] Second, the schemes each and all involve a considerable amount of public money. [219] Third, in her witness statement, Ms Elliott, at paragraphs 7 and 8, confirms that the DWP does not specify what a placement should be or should consist of in any particular case, but that it does expect that every placement offers persons the opportunity to gain fundamental work disciplines, as well as benefiting the local communities. She adds that the Work Programme allows providers to deliver their support ‘without undue pressure’ from the Government. Counsel for the Commissioner called that approach ‘a light touch’, and the Tribunal agrees. In the Tribunal’s judgment, it also increases the need for public scrutiny. [220] Fourth and related to the above issue is the need for the public to be in a position to make informed decisions about how a scheme operates, if only given the fact that there is a resultant community benefit. [221] Fifth, account should be taken of existing debate in the media, albeit an informal one, but one which is clearly addressing the allegedly controversial nature of the schemes. [222] Sixth, it is of importance for the public to see and examine how the schemes and those who participate in them (placement providers and contractors) perform.”
“[151] However, despite that qualification, the Commissioner adds in his written submissions that he nonetheless remains ‘firmly’ of the view that even if section 43(2) were found to be engaged, the public interest militates in favour of disclosure. At the heart of the Commissioner’s case lies the contention that there is no overriding public interest in support of the argument that the organisations benefiting from the scheme should be able to benefit anonymously from such schemes. In the words of the Commissioner’s written submissions, if those organisations are content to participate in the schemes or schemes, they should be content to have it known that they do so.”