“Force unlawfully snooped on us and others after its£191,000 -a-year Chief Constable, later sacked in disgrace, had an affair with a colleague, lied about it, and spent thousands of pounds of taxpayers' money on jollies with her.”
“[1] A police force last night faced stinging criticism for unlawfully snooping on the Daily Mirror after we revealed its Chief Constable blew taxpayers’ cash to conduct an affair with a colleague. [2] Bosses used powers designed to track terrorists and dangerous criminals to access my phone records as well as those of other journalists, officers and a solicitor in a bid to find who was leaking information about alleged racism within its ranks. … [6] Cleveland Police admitted it accessed my mobile records under the Regulatory Investigatory Powers Act of 2000. … [22] In 2010, the Mirror told how Price had started a fling with Eastwood, now his wife. An internal report by Cleveland Police told how he tried to cover up his affair when we first broke the story. … [34] Five months after our phone records were accessed, Price became the first chief constable to be sacked in 35 years. …”
“POLICE used terror laws to snoop on Mirror phone records after it was revealed a Chief Constable lied about his fling with a colleague. Cleveland bosses accessed data after reports that Sean Price blew public cash on the relationship and other allegations of racism within the force. One MP said: “This is shocking. We do not live in a police state.”
“Shameful abuse of power by Police” and “THE SPY COPS”
“Force unlawfully snooped on us & others after its£191,000 -a-year Chief Constable, later sacked in disgrace, had an affair with a colleague, lied about it, and spent thousands of pounds of taxpayers’ money on jollies with her.”
“[1] A POLICE force last night faced stinging criticism for unlawfully snooping on the Daily Mirror after it was revealed its Chief Constable blew taxpayers' cash to conduct an affair with a colleague. [2] Bosses used powers designed to track terrorists and dangerous criminals to access my phone records as well as those of other journalists, officers and a solicitor in a bid to find who was leaking information about alleged racism within its ranks. [3] We had told how£191,000 -a-year Cleveland Chief Constable Sean Price was having a fling with his chief staff officer Heather Eastwood. He claims the romance started after he had left his wife Jackie, but that turned out to be a lie. [4] Later sacked for gross misconduct and branded a liar and a bully, he also spent£57,800 on a force credit card, which included bills for hotels and flowers. [5] Cleveland Police admitted it accessed my mobile records under the Regulatory Investigatory Powers Act of 2000. And a tribunal in London heard it breached communication data powers to get hold of the information. [6] It claimed the move was done by mistake. But former Shadow Home Secretary Yvette Cooper branded the breach "very serious". [7] The Commons Home Affairs Select Committee chairwoman said: "Communications data powers exist so the police can investigate serious crimes, not so they can prevent journalists holding them to account. In a democracy the freedom of the Press is incredibly important and needs to be protected not undermined. …"”
“[1] WELCOME to Stasi Britain, where cops spy on journalists investigating credible allegations of police corruption. [2] If this had been in Putin's Russia, our PM and Foreign Secretary would rightly denounce state intimidation and an unwarranted assault on press freedom. [3] So we must now hold to account the high-ranking uniforms who abused positions of trust to cover up bad behaviour by public servants. Covertly monitoring calls by my respected colleague Jeremy Armstrong rode roughshod over his right to privacy and civil liberties. The police happily tracing calls in the hope of unmasking a mole tells me they were more anxious to avoid embarrassment than ensure public money was spent wisely. [4] But a broader, more terrifying truth is this alerts us to the danger of the police as a law unto themselves, prepared to stamp on anybody who gets in their way. [5] Gagging papers, halting probes would make their life easier at the expense of the public good. The disinfectant of daylight keeps the authorities honest. [6] Spying on the Press is the e-version of a baton. I condemn cases where journos broke laws with no public interest defence - and we must equally robustly stand up to the snooper cops. [7] Journalism at its best speaks truth unto power, so we should be concerned that's why the police accessed records.”
“CHEATING COP WHO ACCESSED MIRROR PHONE RECORDS CLAIMS HIS PHONE WAS ALSO MONITORED”
“Sean Price, 59, was sacked from his£191,000 -a-year job with Cleveland Police four years ago after we told of his affair with a colleague”
“[1] The cheating policeman at the centre of the Mirror data scandal has claimed HIS phone was monitored too. … [4] Cleveland Police has admitted accessing Mirror phone records for four months from Jan 1 to May 1, 2012 - at the time we ran a number of stories on Price and the long-running investigation into claims of his corruption.”
“The allegations were different from those concerning the Claimant’s conduct which led to his dismissal as Chief Constable and caused additional damage to his reputation.”
“The Claimant’s public profile as at18 December 2016 ” and “The Cleveland Police unlawful RIPA applications for Mr Armstrong’s telephone data”
“…you know last week a journalist was revealed to have been, had his data accessed by a Police officer who was upset that he was investigating his fraudulent trips with his girlfriend to the States and that’s the kind of abuse you get when you’ve got blanket retention and no serious authorisation system… .”
“(1) The governing principle is reasonableness. (2) The hypothetical reasonable reader is not naïve, but he is not unduly suspicious. He can read between the lines. He can read in an implication more readily than a lawyer and may indulge in a certain amount of loose thinking, but he must be treated as being a man who is not avid for scandal and someone who does not, and should not, select one bad meaning where other non-defamatory meanings are available. (3) Over-elaborate analysis is best avoided. (4) The intention of the publisher is irrelevant. (5) The article must be read as a whole, and any 'bane and antidote' taken together. (6) The hypothetical reader is taken to be representative of those who would read the publication in question. (7) In delimiting the range of permissible defamatory meanings, the court should rule out any meaning which, 'can only emerge as the produce of some strained, or forced, or utterly unreasonable interpretation …' (8) It follows that 'it is not enough to say that by some person or another the words might be understood in a defamatory sense' …”
“unlawfully snooping on the Daily Mirror after it was revealed its Chief Constable blew taxpayer’s cash to conduct an affair with a colleague” (my emphasis). The opening paragraph of Kevin Maguire’s comment piece linked the spying with journalistic investigations into “credible allegations of police corruption”
“… the Defendant submits that because of the Claimant’s existing reputation as a corrupt and dishonest police officer, branded a liar and a bully and who was fired for misconduct, the publication of the three articles complained of cannot have caused serious harm to his reputation … Moreover, if this is wrong, by reason of the above matters, which form background context to the publication of the article complained of, any damages … would be reduced very substantially, quite possibly to a nominal award.”
“It surprises me that it should be considered a proper matter for pleading that a plaintiff has not thought fit to include in his action every libellous statement made about him by a defendant. It is, in my opinion, wholly improper.” (d) Further, “it is not legitimate for a defendant to seek to reduce damages by proving [other] publications of the defendant or others, and inviting an inference that those other publications have injured the claimant’s reputation.”
“My extremely high-profile arrest ruined my life and my reputation and it is now clear for all to see that it was completely unnecessary, disproportionate and unlawful. The ongoing and misguided criminal investigation has been a complete waste of£5m of public money.”
“As a result of the very wide publicity given to these exceptionally damning matters, the claimant’s reputation was very seriously damaged, indeed “ruined”, as he himself publicly acknowledged in March 2014”
"Nor can the report of a particular incident, even if it be notorious, be brought up against the plaintiff. If it refers to the same matter as the libel, it tends to prove a justification and is therefore not admissible in mitigation of damages but only in support of a plea of justification. If it refers to something different from the libel, it cannot be admitted because it is specific misconduct which it is not considered fair that you should bring up against him, see Speidel v Plato Films Ltd."