“28. The Government’s objectives in controlling the cost of the social security budget are to end long-term welfare dependency; provide a fairer, simpler approach to delivering welfare benefits and to deliver savings that will reduce expenditure and help cut the wider budget deficit. 29. Furthermore as part of the 2010 Spending Review, the Government set out its policy to reduce public expenditure on welfare reform. Overall benefit expenditure was forecast to be around 10% of the GDP in 2010/11 and for people of working age, the welfare budget rose by 40% in real terms from£63bn in 1996/97 to£87bn in 2009/10. 30. In cash terms, expenditure specifically relating to Housing Benefit has nearly doubled over the last decade, rising from£11bn in 2000/01 to an estimated£22bn in 2010/11. 31. There have been various causes for growth in Housing Benefit expenditure. Since 2008, the recession has driven up the number of claimants, and rents in the social rented sector have risen faster than inflation. However, increases in private sector rents have made a substantial impact on the overall cost – over£3bn of spending in 2009/10 is attributable to growth in private sector rents since 1999. 32. The Government set out its specific plans for reforming Housing Benefit in the June 2010 Budget. The earliest of these planned changes, to exert control over LHA rules, were progressed through amendments to secondary legislation whilst longer term measures due to come into force in 2013 will be progressed through the Welfare Reform Bill. … 35. …The Government’s overarching aim for the measures to reform LHA is to exert control on Housing Benefit expenditure, and in the short term in particular, to reduce the cost associated with private rented sector cases, and to remove some of the very high rates that have been payable in London. The 2011 measures to reduce LHA rates will save around£1bn in 2014/15. (Taken together, all of the Housing Benefit measures announced in the June 2010 Budget, including the LHA measures, are expected to save around£2bn in 2014/15). …”
“any power conferred by this Act to make orders or regulations relating to housing benefit … shall include power to make different provisions for different areas.”
“The Secretary of State may by order require rent officers to carry out such functions as may be specified in the order in connection with housing benefit and rent allowance subsidy.”
“(a) shall be made by statutory instrument which shall be subject to annulment in pursuance of a resolution of either House of Parliament; (b) may make different provision for different cases or classes of case and for different areas;”
“Subject to paragraphs (3) to (11), the maximum rent (LHA) shall be the local housing allowance determined by the rent officer by virtue of article 4B(2A) or (4) of the Rent Officer’s Order which is applicable to— (a) the broad rental market area in which the dwelling to which the claim or award of housing benefit relates is situated at the relevant date; and (b) the category of dwelling which applies at the relevant date in accordance with paragraph (2).”
“The Schedule reflects a balancing exercise which has to be carried out where a person claims housing benefit. On the one hand, it would be a waste of public funds to pay for accommodation which is inappropriately expensive or extensive for that person. On the other hand, it would be unduly harsh to require a radical deterioration in such a person’s residential circumstances. Sir Thomas Bingham MR said, in relation to predecessor regulations, in R v Housing Benefit Review Board for East Devon District Council, ex p Gibson and Gibson(1993) 25 HLR 487 , 493: ‘[T]his whole scheme is directed to mitigate the demand on public funds where recipients of Housing Benefit are paying rent above the market level or living in accommodation which is larger than reasonably necessary to meet their needs, or living in accommodation which is unreasonably expensive. The key to the operation of the reduction mechanism is the finding that recipients of housing benefit are paying a rent which is, for one reason or another, unreasonably high. It is plain that the procedure is designed to protect the public purse. But it is fair, I think, to infer that the procedure is not designed to produce homelessness, which would be the result if a beneficiary’s rent were restricted, so that he could not afford to stay where he was but was unable to find any other accommodation to which he could be expected to move at the level of rent payable.’ ” ‘[T]his whole scheme is directed to mitigate the demand on public funds where recipients of Housing Benefit are paying rent above the market level or living in accommodation which is larger than reasonably necessary to meet their needs, or living in accommodation which is unreasonably expensive. The key to the operation of the reduction mechanism is the finding that recipients of housing benefit are paying a rent which is, for one reason or another, unreasonably high. It is plain that the procedure is designed to protect the public purse. But it is fair, I think, to infer that the procedure is not designed to produce homelessness, which would be the result if a beneficiary’s rent were restricted, so that he could not afford to stay where he was but was unable to find any other accommodation to which he could be expected to move at the level of rent payable.’ ”
“(1) Every body or other person specified… shall, in carrying out its functions, have due regard to the need— (a) to eliminate unlawful racial discrimination; and (b) to promote equality of opportunity and good relations between persons of different racial groups.”
“(1) A public authority shall in carrying out its functions have due regard to the need— (a) to eliminate unlawful discrimination and harassment; and (b) to promote equality of opportunity between men and women.”
“Our attention has been drawn to a number of authorities on the need to have due regard to equality duties, in particular R (Elias) v Secretary of State for Defence[2005] EWHC 1435 (Admin) (Elias J),[2006] EWCA Civ 1293 ,[2006] 1 WLR 3213 , R (Chavda) v London Borough of Harrow[2007] EWHC 3064 (Admin) (HHJ Mackie QC), R (Baker) v Secretary of State for Communities & Local Government[2008] EWCA Civ 141 ,[2008] LGR 239 , R (Brown) v Secretary of State for Work & Pensions[2008] EWHC 3158 (Admin) , and R (Meany, Glynn and Sanders) v Harlow District Council[2009] EWHC 559 (Admin) (Davis J). I find the greatest help in the judgments of Dyson LJ in Baker (dealing with the RRA) at paras 30ff and of Scott Baker LJ in Brown (dealing with the DDA) at paras 89/96, where each of them summarises what is involved in the duty to have ‘due regard’. For present purposes I take from those summaries in particular the observations that there is no statutory duty to carry out a formal impact assessment; that the duty is to have due regard, not to achieve results or to refer in terms to the duty; that due regard does not exclude paying regard to countervailing factors, but is ‘the regard that is appropriate in all the circumstances’; that the test of whether a decision maker has had due regard is a test of the substance of the matter, not of mere form or box-ticking, and that the duty must be performed with vigour and with an open mind; and that it is a non-delegable duty.”
“The cumulative impacts of these measures do not appear to disadvantage one group more disproportionately than another. However, working age groups are likely to be more affected as they contribute a larger proportion of the Local Housing Allowance caseload relative to the other groups. The assessment of the impact by individual measures shows that families are likely to be affected disproportionately by the overall caps in Local Housing Allowance rates and the removal of the five bedroom rate. As some ethnic minority groups tend to have a higher proportion of large families, these measures may impact on them disproportionately. However, limitations in current data prevent the scope to draw on quantitative evidence to establish the scale of this potential effect.”
“(4) The restriction of the LHA to the four bedroom rate should not proceed until a full race equality impact assessment has been carried out: Response— The Government has already undertaken extensive analysis of the measures outlined in these proposals and published an assessment of the impacts and an Equality Impact Assessment in July 2010. This research has shown that the cumulative impacts of these measures do not appear to disadvantage one group more disproportionately than another. The assessment of the impact by individual measures shows that families are likely to be affected disproportionately by the overall caps in Local Housing Allowance rates and the removal of the five bedroom rate. However the Government has a range of measures in place to mitigate the impacts of these changes including substantial increases in the Discretionary Housing Payment budget. In addition, the Department for Work & Pensions is considering the scope for commissioning primary research into the impact of the change on particular groups such as large families and ethnic minority groups. … (6) The Department urgently re-examines the potential for restructuring the national caps in order to more accurately and realistically reflect the position of London and other high cost areas: Response— The Government does not accept the Local Housing Allowance caps should be reconsidered. These weekly caps affect very few local authority areas, and all but three Broad Rental Market Areas have at least 30% of properties that are affordable within the new Local Housing Allowance rates.”
“The Government is convinced that it is absolutely necessary to take urgent steps to manage Housing Benefit expenditure, and to ensure that people who make new claims for Housing Benefit in the private rented sector are prevented from claiming the higher rates of Local Housing Allowance. The Government has listened to advice from the Social Security Advisory Committee and from key stakeholders in relation to the implementation of these measures and, clearly, it is essential that existing customers have sufficient time to adjust to their new circumstances. In order to ensure a smooth transition for the changes in 2011, the measures will come into force [on the given dates].”
“We are doing more work to identify data that might help provide a clearer picture of the impact on ethnic minority groups. The Department is considering the scope for commissioning primary research into the impacts of the changes on particular groups, such as large families and Black Minority Ethnic households and in particular areas, such as London.”
“Once amendments to the HB Regulations and the RO Order were laid on30 November 2010 , a motion to annul them was tabled. The House of Commons Second Delegated Legislation Committee considered the HB Regulations and the RO Order on20 December 2010 . The Committee rejected this motion on a majority vote. On26 January 2011 , a motion to annul these Regulations was also debated in the House of Lords. The motion to annul was withdrawn following the debate. 59. A separate motion was tabled in the House of Lords to require the Secretary of State to undertake a comprehensive review of the amendments to the LHA rules. This was debated together with the annulment motion but was agreed by DWP ministers. The content of the review of these measures was set out by Lord Freud, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State in his response to the debate on26 January 2011 . 60. The Secretary of State has now formally commissioned this review and a programme of independent primary research on the impact of recent changes to Housing Benefit across Great Britain. 61. The review will cover the impact of the measures on [inter alia]: • Homelessness and numbers moving • Black and Minority Ethnic households • Families with children, particularly large families or those with multiple risk factors.” • Homelessness and numbers moving • Black and Minority Ethnic households • Families with children, particularly large families or those with multiple risk factors.”
“These changes may disproportionately impact black and minority ethnic groups due to the relatively high percentage of these customers entitled to larger properties.”
“For the purpose of analysing and evaluating benefit reforms, the Family Resources Survey is superior to the Annual Population Survey as the former captures a significant amount of detailed information on benefits.”
“Whilst DWP acknowledge in its November 2010 Equality Impact Assessment that some ethnic minority groups tend to have a higher proportion of large families and that the April 2001 Local Housing Allowance measures may impact on them disproportionately, DWP do not accept the conclusion of the analysis undertaken by the Claimant that ‘Ethnic minority households claiming Housing Benefit are 1.6 times more likely than white British households who are claiming Housing Benefit to be affected by [the four bedroom] cap. This is because the Claimant’s analysis fails to isolate the relevant specific group, namely, Housing Benefit tenants whose benefit is assessed according to Local Housing Allowance rates, and who, until the regulations were amended in April 2011, were entitled to 5 bedrooms. Therefore, it is not possible on the basis of the APS figures accurately to quantify the effect of the reduction from 5 to 4 bedrooms on families from an ethnic minority background.”
“11. … At the time this assessment was undertaken, the Single Housing Benefit Extract data set was not available for use so the analytical approach taken by DWP necessarily relied solely on the Family Resources Survey. The limitations of this data were highlighted in that assessment… In summary, the EIA conducted in 2009 was unable to isolate Local Housing Allowance cases in the private rented sector and as such did not provide an accurate estimate of the impacts of the reduction by ethnicity. 12. The Equality Impact Assessments DWP undertook in July and November 2010 … in relation to the Local Housing Allowance measures contained more reliable data than the 2009 Equality Impact Assessment. This is because DWP were able to draw on administrative data specifically covering the group of affected cases by using the Single Housing Benefit Extract data set. By contrast the 2009 Equality Impact Assessment necessarily relied on survey data covering a wider group than those who would be affected by the changes and used this as a proxy for those affected. On ethnicity, both Equality Impact Assessments had to rely on proxy measures from survey data.”
“13. …It is of course true that the weekly caps on LHA rates have most impact in some parts of London. It is also true that many ethnic minority households live in London. However the weekly caps affect only a very few areas. As I stated in my first witness statement only 11 of 960 LHA rates are affected and many areas of London, including areas with high concentrations of ethnic minority households, are untouched by the weekly caps. It is not possible to say whether the areas of London affected by the caps are areas with the highest concentrations of ethnic minority households receiving Housing Benefit under Local Housing Allowance rules. Moreover, the weekly caps have most impact (in terms of numbers) on one and two bedroom properties so, in this context, the size of the household is not a relevant factor. 14. In paragraphs 12 to 18, the Claimant asserts that Exhibit LF4 (which attempts to show a relationship by local authority between the proportion of the population from an ethnic minority background and the number of 5 bedroom households affected by the cap) suggests a disproportionate impact on people from BME groups. The Claimant admits a fundamental weakness in this analysis, namely that it includes all affected people without identifying those from an ethnic minority background. 16. … It is important to note that the Equality Impact Assessments undertaken by DWP considered the Local Housing Allowance measures as a whole. To understand the impact of any particular group of individuals they must also be assessed jointly, and to do so robustly requires administrative Housing Benefit data. To provide additional information, DWP then went further in the Equality Impact Assessment by isolating the effects of the individual measures, where these could be robustly quantified. This was possible for the diversity groups that are accurately recorded in administrative data. But it was not possible with respect to ethnicity. 17. Neither the assessment conducted by the Claimant nor that conducted by DWP has been able to quantify accurately the level of impact on ethnic minority groups.”
“It is clear that this relatively small group of London families will have to bear the vast majority of the£255m that the Government anticipates saving as a result of the cap and the reduction to four bedrooms. The striking result is that around 1% of the claimant population will shoulder approximately 8% of the savings. No other group has been targeted in this way.”
“Mr Holbrook submitted that Mr Wolfe either had to show that no regard was had to the statutory criteria or that the decision was irrational. Since Mr Wolfe disclaimed the latter, he was, said Mr Holbrook, left with the former. I do not agree with that submission of Mr Holbrook for two reasons. First, the statutes require that the public body has ‘due regard’ to the specified matters; and what is ‘due’ depends on what is proper and appropriate to the circumstances of the case. Therefore, if a challenge is made, the question of due regard requires a review by the court. It is not simply a question of determining whether no regard at all was had to the statutory criteria. Second, if the submission of Mr Holbrook were right it would be contrary to the authorities, which indicate that a tick-box approach may not necessarily in any given case give a complete answer. It is true that, as Baker and Brown make clear, how much weight is to be given to the countervailing factors is a matter for the decision maker. But that does not abrogate the obligation on the decision maker in substance first to have regard to the statutory criteria on discrimination.”
“It is not the role of the court to scrutinise with any degree of intensity individual technical decisions forming part of the impact assessment process (such as decisions about which data set to use, and precisely how to interpret it). Such technical decisions should only be interfered with if they are ‘unreasonable or perverse’: see Rix LJ in Domb at [72]. Moreover in R (W) v Birmingham CC[2011] EWHC 1147 (Admin) , Walker J confirmed at [176] that: ‘It is not the role of the court to get involved in minute scrutiny of a mass of detail’.”