“This information can reflect highly localized practices, personal interpretations, or institutional pressures. In some cases, individuals may knowingly misrepresent procedures, or present information in a way that protects their role or affirms that they are fulfilling their duties appropriately.”
“At the Embassy, we are aware of 254 official checkpoints across both Federal Iraq and the KRI. For checkpoints in Federal Iraq, almost all have been assessed to be run by Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), including the army or police forces. These ISF, army and police checkpoints, which are permanent structures, are usually located on Iraq’s main arterial routes at the municipal boundaries of towns and cities. … In the KRI, checkpoints are run by either ISF, Asayish (the domestic security service of the KRI) and the Peshmerga. There are instances, however, where militia groups may establish impromptu and unofficial checkpoints, which make it more challenging to assess the risks and so all checkpoints and in-country travel requires regular assessment. We have evidence that at these official checkpoints, while some do not require individuals to identify themselves at all, others may require individuals to stop and prove their identity by showing either their Iraqi National ID (INID) or another form of appropriate photographic ID, like a driving licence. We know on occasion some checkpoints may also require more thorough checks, including INID, passport and vehicle permit checks. A more specific breakdown of known checkpoints is below: • Around Baghdad, … • … • In Mosul, we know that some checkpoints are run by ISF and some militia groups. Along the Mosul to Erbil route, checkpoints are run by the Asayish, Peshmerga, ISF and militia groups. Specifically, we have some information that Munazzama Badr, Ketaib Iman Ali, Hamdaniya and Saraya Salam are four of the known militia groups operating checkpoints in North Mosul and along the route between Mosul and Erbil. Many of the checkpoints in North Mosul request thorough checks, such as a passport and paperwork check, including examination of permits and car registry. There are reports that some of these checkpoints video record engagements between checkpoint personnel and individuals who are stopped. • Along the Kirkuk to Erbil route, checkpoints consist of ISF, Peshmerga and Asayish. There are also checkpoints which have multiple forces running them, including both ISF and Peshmerga, and ISF and Asayish. Checkpoints along this route request thorough checks, such as passport and paperwork checks (permit and residency checks), and a rationale for travel. • Along both the Erbil to Dohuk and Erbil to Sulaymaniah routes, we have information to suggest all checkpoints are jointly managed by both Peshmerga and Asayish. Identity checks on vehicles and occupants are standard but thoroughness varies.”
“When travelling between governorates within the … KRI, individuals, even KRI residents, are subject to questioning at checkpoints. Officers often engage passers-by in informal discussions, inquiring about their origin and destination. The primary purpose of these conversations is to discern the individual’s accent and dialect, which allows officers to ascertain their residential location. This process is largely informal, lacking a written script or strict procedure, and is highly dependent on the discretion and demeanour of the specific officer. Often, officers are guided by intelligence, looking for specific profiles that may include dialect as a key indicator linked to a particular place of residence. By identifying a person’s accent and dialect, officers can infer their hometown and act upon relevant intelligence. Routine identity checks involve officers requesting to view one’s ID. For KRI residences, further action is typically only taken if the name on the ID matches or is like a name of interest from intelligence briefings. However, if an individual presents an ID from a governorate outside the KRI, they are routinely directed to the “information section” of the checkpoint. These information sections are commonly found at the entrances to administrative units such as cities, towns and districts, as well as near sensitive locations like government institutions, residences of influential figures, and major companies. At these points, both the individual and their identification documents are subjected to more thorough security checks.”
‘There are consistent and credible reports of torture in Iraq, including by government forces and Popular Mobilisation Forces. Methods include beatings, stress positions, electric shocks, burns, and sexual humiliation. Sunni men and boys are particularly targeted on the basis of their perceived affiliation with Da’esh. Torture takes place during arrest, pre-trial detention and after conviction. It occurs in facilities run by the Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of Defence and those under KRG control, as well as facilities operated by PMFs. … … ‘According to the US Department of State, most reports of arbitrary or unlawful detention involve Sunni Arabs, particularly those with a perceived affiliation to Da’esh. There are also reports of Iranian-aligned militias arbitrarily arresting or detaining Kurds and Turkmen in Kirkuk, and Christians and other minorities in western Ninewah and the Ninewah Plains. Prisoners in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq are often held for extensive periods in pretrial detention. … 9.1.2 In March 2023, Freedom House published a report entitled ‘Freedom in the World 2023’, covering the year 2022 (March 2023 Freedom House report). The section on Iraq stated: ‘The use of torture to obtain confessions is widespread across Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan, … Detainees are often held in harsh, overcrowded conditions, and forced disappearances, particularly of suspected IS fighters, have been reported.’ 9.1.4 The April 2024 USSD report stated: ‘… ‘… There were numerous reports of arbitrary arrest or unlawful detention by government forces, including by ISF, NSS, PMF and Asayish security forces. There were no reliable statistics available regarding the total number of such acts or the length of detentions. … ‘… ‘… Lengthy pre-trail detentions were particularly common in areas liberated from ISIS, where the large number of ISIS-related detainees and use of makeshift facilities led to significant overcrowding and inadequate services. There were reports of detention beyond judicial release dates and unlawful releases. … 9.2.3 The January 2024 UNCHR report stated: ‘Arbitrary arrests remain common, mostly for suspicions of Da’esh affiliation under the Anti-Terrorism Law of 2005, and occur frequently at checkpoints, during house searches and military operations. Various security agencies are reported to be involved in arbitrary arrests and detention, including the Federal Police, the National Security Service (NSS), and various PMF factions. At times, family members are arrested in lieu of wanted persons. ‘Persons of other profiles, including in particular journalists and media professionals, civil society activities, human rights defenders and others perceived to be critical of the government are also subject to arbitrary arrest and detention, including under the 2005 Anti-Terrorism Law. PMF factions are also reported to arbitrarily arrest and detain members of ethnic and religious minority groups in Ninewa Governorate. ‘… ‘There are “persistent allegations to the existence” of secret detention facilities, including to hold suspected Da’esh affiliates without due process or judicial review. … 9.2.4 Amnesty’s April 2024 report claimed ‘Iraqi security and intelligence forces, including the PMU, continued to forcibly disappear men and boys taken from checkpoints, homes and streets. Human rights organizations and activists in a number of governorates, notably Salah al-din, Anbar, Ninewa and Basra, continued to report instances of enforced disappearances at the hands of factions of the PMU that had a presence in these areas.’
“There is no guarantee that an individual who is not carrying ID will be stopped and refused entry through a checkpoint. It depends on the security level on that day (i.e., if there is heightened security due to a known threat), and the individuals manning the checkpoint. It is arbitrary. It is possible that the security officer could question the individual and decide to let them through with a warning to carry their ID next time. Moreover, on some occasions, individuals may not be stopped and questioned. For example, if a family is in a car and the security is low, they may just wave the car through. However, there is also a possibility that an individual without ID could be stopped, questioned, and detained. This is particularly the case if there is heightened security on the day.”
‘… [I]ssued in the district where a person is registered and on the basis of information in the person’s family register. Family registers (also known as family book, or family census or sijilla al-qayd or sijil al ahwal al-shakhsiyya) are kept manually and created locally in approximately 300 civil status registration offices across Iraq and information is updated with birth, death, marriages, and changes to civil status. Landinfo stated that “the family register forms the basis for the issuing of national ID cards and nationality certificates, which in turn form the basis for the issuing of passports”.’
‘… Individuals applying for the unified national card had to book an appointment with the local office via the website of the Directorate of National Card Affairs and download an application form, which had to be completed and taken to the appointment. In addition, they had to submit their civil status ID and their nationality certificate. The website of the Directorate of National Card Affairs also requested applicants to submit their residence card with the application and it stated that the original documents needed to be presented. ‘… It is mandatory for applicants to appear in person to submit their application, because a photo, an iris scan and fingerprints will be taken. Subsequently, the application is sent to a central office in Baghdad together with the biometrics, where the information is checked. … ‘… With a few deviations, the aforementioned procedure applies for the KRI. According to Abdulrahman Ismael Azaz, Director of the Directorate of Nationality and Civil Status in Erbil, which belongs to the Ministry of the Interior of the KRG, interviewed in 2018 by Landinfo and DIS [Danish Immigration Service], in Erbil, people did not need to make an appointment via the website, because many people did not have internet access. Applicants needed to present their civil status ID, their nationality certificate and their residency card with the application. The documents handed in were first checked at the Directorate for Nationality and Civil Status and only after the document check was finished, they were sent to the main servers in Baghdad, where the personal identification number was produced. According to Director Azaz, the applicants’ fingerprints of all ten fingers had to be taken as well. ‘… The card was valid for ten years but, when the civil status changed, e.g., through marriage or divorce, a renewal was required by submitting a new application for the issuance of a new unified national card.’
‘The process to obtain a new electronic ID card involves first making an appointment with the local civil status office via the website of the directorate for national ID cards. The applicant can download an application form from the same website and must complete it before meeting the local civil status office. The applicant must bring their current ID card, proof of citizenship, proof of residence, ration card, and the IQD 5,000 (approximately AUD 6) [£2.92 GBP28] fee. The civil status office will retain these documents, which will be invalidated when the new card is issued. All applicants must attend the office in person for the photo, iris scan and fingerprint registration. The local civil status office sends the application form and biometric data to the central office in Baghdad where the information is checked and the card personalised before being returned to the local civil status office.’
‘Iraqi documents required – - Original Iraqi personal ID (Hawyat El Ahwal) and Iraqi citizenship certificate (Shahdit el Jensia) or unified card (Bitaka el mwahada) and colour copies of all of them (for the principal). - A copy of the Iraqi personal ID (Hawyat el Ahwal) and Iraqi citizenship certificate (Shahdit el Jensia) or unified card (Bitaka el mwahada), nationality certificate or unified card (for the attorney) - Personal photos of the principal, 4 photos - Personal photos of the attorney, 4 photos - Fees […] 6.17.2 Dr Fatah in a review of the previous CPIN on civil documentation and returns stated: ‘Based on the above information it is unlikely that an individual would be able to obtain a CSID from the Iraqi embassy. However, even if they could, they would need to apply via proxy. In April 2021, my associate was informed by the Iraqi consulate in London that at least two Iraqi documents are required to grant somebody the power of attorney. As such, somebody without documentation abroad would not be able to grant somebody power of attorney in order to obtain documentation. Iraqis abroad may grant somebody in Iraq the power of attorney so that the person would be able to access the local Civil Status Office on their behalf. However, it is not likely that an Iraqi abroad would be able to grant somebody in Iraq the power of attorney if they are not in possession of documentation.’ ‘In order to grant power of attorney from the UK, if the person is from the IKR, they can do so by visiting the KRG office in London. They would need some sort of ID and the details of the person that they want to represent them in the IKR. The representatives ID details are not required. The application will then be approved by the KRG public relations office before being taken to court for another approve. Only then will the power of attorney be granted, and it will only be valid inside the IKR. However, if the application takes place in the Iraqi consulate in London, it can be used throughout Iraq. Again, the person would need some form of ID, British or Iraqi, and the details of the person that they wish to represent them.’
“31. Whether P would be at particular risk of ill-treatment during the security screening process must be assessed on a case-by-case basis. Additional facts that may increase risk include: (i) coming from a family with a known association with ISIL, (ii) coming from an area associated with ISIL and (iii) being a single male of fighting age. P is likely to be able to evidence the fact of recent arrival from the UK, which would dispel any suggestion of having arrived directly from ISIL territory.”
“29. P will face considerable difficulty in making the journey between Baghdad and the IKR by land without a CSID or an INID. There are numerous checkpoints en route, including two checkpoints in the immediate vicinity of the airport. If P has neither a CSID nor an INID there is a real risk of P being detained at a checkpoint until such time as the security personnel are able to verify P’s identity. It is not reasonable to require P to travel between Baghdad and IKR by land absent the ability of P to verify his identity at a checkpoint. This normally requires the attendance of a male family member and production of P’s identity documents but may also be achieved by calling upon “connections” higher up in the chain of command.”
“14. … Given the importance of that information, some Iraqi citizens are likely to recall it. Others are not. Whether an individual is likely to recall that information is a question of fact, to be considered against the factual matrix of the individual case and taking account of the background evidence. …”
“… Since the stroke, [AH] has experienced significant communication difficulties affecting both spoken and written language in English, Kurdish and Arabic. These impairments have contributed to social isolation and a noticeable decline in mood. He is also experiencing pain and weakness in his right side, increased fatigue and difficulties with sleep. Despite these challenges, [AH] has shown consistent engagement with rehabilitation and demonstrates clear potential to improve his independence, activity levels and ability to participate in community life. It is important to note that the ongoing asylum process has introduced additional psychological stress, which may adversely affect [AH’s] recovery. The uncertainty and emotional burden associated with his legal situation have compounded his vulnerability, particularly given his communication difficulties. In our professional opinion, [AH] would benefit from a stable and supportive environment to continue his rehabilitation and maximise his recovery outcomes. His current progress suggests that, with appropriate support, he can make meaningful improvements in his quality of life and community integration.”
“14. In my view, the concept of a foreign criminal’s ‘integration’ into the country to which it is proposed that he would be deported … is a broad one. It is not confined to the mere ability to find a job or sustain life while living in the other country. It is not appropriate to treat the statutory language as subject to some gloss and it will usually be sufficient for a court or tribunal to simply direct itself in the terms that Parliament has chosen to use. The idea of ‘integration’ calls for a broad evaluative judgment to be made as to whether the individual will be enough of an insider in terms of understanding how life in the society in that other country is carried on and a capacity to participate in it, so as to have a reasonable opportunity to be accepted there, to be able to operate on a day-to-day basis in that society and to build up within a reasonable time a variety of human relationships to give substance to the individual’s private or family life.”
“9. … It is fair enough to observe that the words “very significant” connote an “elevated” threshold, and I have no difficulty with the observation that the test will not be met by “mere inconvenience or upheaval”