“It is conceded by the Respondent that in general journalists may be at risk in Mogadishu. It is an established principle of refugee law that protection is to be refused if it is shown that the person seeking asylum can reasonably be expected to take measures to avoid the threat of persecution upon his return to his country of origin. This principle finds expression, for example, in the requirement for an applicant to demonstrate that it would not be reasonable, or that it would be unduly harsh, to expect him to relocate to an area where he would not face the real risk of persecution ….. It is common ground that this Appellant is a qualified teacher and that he practised as such prior to training as a journalist. It would not, in my view, be unreasonable to expect him to change his profession and to return to teaching, in order to avoid any risk he may face merely on account of being a journalist practising in Mogadishu … I am further satisfied that even if the Appellant could show that the only reason that would compel him to change profession would be a fear of persecution he would not be entitled to international protection under the Refugee Convention ….. The Appellant’s change of profession by returning to teaching would not involve a violation of or a denial of a right enshrined in the Convention. The right to practice ones profession does not enjoy protected status under the Convention …… In the circumstances I find that to the extent that this Appellant would be at risk merely on account of his continuing to practice as a journalist in Mogadishu, it would be reasonable to expect him to revert to teaching as a means of earning and income and, hence, avoid any risk that would befall him as a journalist at the hands of the Al-Shabaab.” [Emphasis added.]
“[17] What is missing from the determination is a finding whether the Appellant would continue as a journalist … There will need to be further evidence on this aspect …. [18] If it is found that the Appellant will resume his occupation as a journalist on return, the issue will be whether it would be reasonable to expect him to change his career and to resume his earlier [teaching occupation] or another occupation.”
“What is missing from the determination [of the FtT] is a finding whether the Appellant would continue as a journalist and it is unclear that the Judge concluded the Appellant would practice as such on return. There will need to be further evidence on this aspect …………… If it is found that the Appellant will resume his occupation as a journalist on return, the issue will be whether it would be reasonable to expect him to change his career and to resume his earlier or another occupation.”
“In summary, therefore, we find as a matter of probability that the Appellant will, if returned, continue to pursue his interest in a career in broadcasting and media related activity. This would include a creative role in terms of research and writing for broadcasts. To this extent there will be a journalistic element. We consider further that he is likely to secure employment in this field.”
“I was very angry about what had happened and if I was in Somalia right now I would have broadcast this news myself on the local radio. From my point of view I would have wanted to inform the people of the truth behind these innocent people being killed … the journalist who was killed on21 June 2014 was a friend of mine ….. His death has motivated me even more to continue pursuing my life as a journalist as I want to highlight the brutalities inflicted on innocent people.”
“…. If I am returned to Somalia I would face ill treatment by the Government in Mogadishu and other Government controlled areas and [AS] in their areas …. I cannot relocate to any other part of Somalia and live a relatively normal life without being ill treated, for being a journalist.”
“Journalists were subjected to violence, harassment, arrest and detention in all regions. The National Union of Somali journalists (NUSOJ) reported 18 journalists were killed across the country in 2012 and 14 were wounded in Mogadishu. According to the Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA), more than 79 journalists were arrested in Somaliland during the year.”
“Media freedom, a cornerstone for democracy and good governance, has constantly been curtailed to unacceptable degrees ….. Killing of journalists in Somalia is a common and normal practice. Mogadishu continues to record the highest levels of attacks against journalists and news media organisations in the country.”
“Individuals in certain professions such as journalists …..”
“UNHCR considers that persons with any of the profiles below, or a combination thereof, may be in need of international protection in the sense of the [RefugeeConvention] ……”
“With regard to persons who come within these heightened risk categories, decision makers must make a careful assessment of a person’s overall circumstances.”
“…. The authorities restrict their ability to work freely through the police and judiciary system, including the harassment of media that criticise them. [AS] has been able to threaten and eliminate journalists in government controlled neighbourhoods.”
“[46] The above information indicates that journalists and those who work in the media are generally at risk in Somalia, with those working for state-owned media companies at the greatest risk. It is noted that [Radio X] is an independent radio station however and is not linked in any way to the Somali Government …. [47] It is also noted that you worked as a reporter for [Radio X] from May 2011 until September 2013 …. Before this you worked as a teacher for three years, teaching mathematics and Somali language ….. [48] It is therefore concluded that although working as a reporter may place you at risk in Somalia, it is not a necessary risk, as you have transferable skills as a teacher which would allow you to live and work peacefully in your home country. When this was put to you in interview the only reason you cited for not pursuing a career as a teacher was that the salary is less than that of a reporter.”
“Despite the violence, dozens of radio stations aligned with particular factions continued to broadcast in Mogadishu and in other parts of the country. The TFG [Transitional Government] continued to support Radio Mogadishu …… This includes journalists from popular stations …. who have found it challenging to operate under [AS] …… Journalists were subjected to violence, harassment, arrest and detention in all regions. The National Union of Somali Journalists reported 18 journalists were killed across the country in 2012 and 14 were wounded in Mogadishu … This was the deadliest year on record for the country’s journalists ….. Concerning the big number of assassinated journalists, it is not justified to say that [AS] is targeting this group specifically, according to the international NGO(B) Mogadishu. [AS] has taken responsibility for the killings of only journalists from the state run Radio Mogadishu. Who is behind the rest of the killings of journalists is not clear. In this connection it should be mentioned that Shabelle Media has had a conflict for a long time with the Government. It was added that most journalists will not report negatively about [AS].” [Emphasis added.]
“It is conceded by the Respondent that in general journalists may be at risk in Mogadishu.”
“The Appellant invites the Upper Tribunal to find that, on the basis of the ……. documents and evidence, it is overwhelmingly clear that journalists (and those who work in the media) are at risk in Somalia, whether from state or non-state actors.”
“Acts of persecution within the meaning of Article 1A of the Geneva Convention must: (a) Be sufficiently serious by their nature or repetition as to constitute a severe violation of basic human rights, in particular the rights from which derogation cannot be made under Article 15(2) of the [ECHR], or (b) Be an accumulation of various measures, including violations of human rights which is sufficiently severe as to affect an individual in a similar manner as mentioned in (a).”
“The concept of political opinion shall in particular include the holding of an opinion, thought or belief on a matter related to the potential actors of persecution mentioned in Article 6 and to their policies or methods, whether or not that opinion, thought or belief has been acted upon by the applicant.”
“The persecution stems from the desire to put down any dissent viewed as a threat to the persecutors… a claimant may be seen as a threat by a group unrelated, and perhaps even opposed, to the government because of his or her political viewpoint, perceived or real.”
“If there is, then he is entitled to asylum. It matters not whether the risk arises from his own conduct in the country, however unreasonable. It does not even matter whether he has cynically sought to enhance his prospects of asylum by creating the very risk on which he then relies. ……” [Emphasis added.]
“The first is that attention must be focused on what the applicant will actually do if he is returned to his country of nationality. The second is that the fact that he could take action to avoid persecution does not disentitle him from asylum if in fact he will not act in such a way as to avoid it. That is so even if to fail or to refuse to avoid it would be unreasonable.”
“No one would proceed on the basis that a straight man or woman could find it reasonably tolerable to conceal his or her sexual identity indefinitely to avoid suffering persecution. Nor would anyone proceed on the basis that a man or woman could find it reasonably tolerable to conceal his or her race indefinitely to avoid suffering persecution. Such an assumption about gay men and lesbian women is equally unacceptable. Most significantly, it is unacceptable as being inconsistent with the underlying purpose of the Convention since it involves the applicant denying or hiding precisely the innate characteristic which forms the basis of his claim of persecution ….” [Emphasis added.]
“To reject his application on the ground that he could avoid the persecution by living discreetly would be to defeat the very right which the Convention exists to protect – his right to live freely and openly as a gay man without fear of persecution.”
“It is well established that in asylum cases it is necessary for the decision maker to determine what the asylum seeker will do on return ….. Thus, the asylum seeker who could avoid persecution on his return, but who (however unreasonably) would not do so is in principle a refugee within the meaning of the Convention.” [Our emphasis.] Notably, in formulating this principle, Lord Dyson (in common with Lord Hope) referred to Ahmad. Continuing, Lord Dyson stated in [110]: “If the price that a person must pay in order to avoid persecution is that he must conceal his race, religion, nationality, membership of a social group or political opinion, then he is being required to surrender the very protection that the Convention is intended to secure for him.”
“The Convention would be failing in its purpose if it were to mean that a gay man does not have a well-founded fear of persecution because he would conceal the fact that he is a gay man in order to avoid persecution on return to his home country.”
“The object of the signatories to the Convention was to protect the holding of such beliefs, opinions, membership and origins by giving the persons concerned refuge in the signatory countries when their country of nationality would not protect them. It would undermine the object of the Convention if the signatory countries required them to modify their beliefs or opinions or to hide their race, nationality or membership of particular social groups before those countries would give them protection under the Convention.”
“Like Lord Rodger, I would follow this approach.”
“An interpretation ofArticle 1A(2) of the Convention which denies refugee status to gay men who can only avoid persecution in their home country by behaving discretely (and who say that on return this is what they will do) would frustrate the humanitarian objective of the Convention and deny them the enjoyment of their fundamental rights and freedoms without discrimination.”
“It is open to question how far the distinction between harmful action at the core of the right and harmful action at its margin is of relevance in cases of persecution on grounds of immutable characteristics such as race and sexual orientation. But it is a valuable distinction and there may be more scope for its application in relation to cases concerning persecution for reasons of religion or political opinion.”
“Even if it could be imagined that Anne Frank, as an asylum seeker, would not objectively have been at risk of being discovered in the attic, she would nevertheless have had a well founded fear of serious harm, a fear not eliminated by her decision to conceal her identity as a Jew and live in the attic.”
“In other words, the threat of serious harm and the fear of it will remain despite the avoiding behaviour.”
“It is well established that there are no hierarchies of protection amongst the Convention reasons for persecution and the well founded fear of persecution test set out in the Convention does not change according to which Convention reason is engaged …. Thus the Convention affords no less protection to the right to express political opinion openly than it does to the right to live openly as a homosexual. The Convention reasons reflect characteristics or statuses which either the individual cannot change or cannot be expected to change because they are so closely linked to his identity or are an expression of fundamental rights.” [Emphasis added.]
“A focus on how important the right not to hold a political or religious belief is to the applicant is wrong in principle.”
“As regards the point of principle, it is the badge of a truly democratic society that individuals should be free not to hold opinions. They should not be required to hold any particular religious or political beliefs. This is as important as the freedom to hold and (within certain defined limits) to express such beliefs as they do hold.”
“What matters for present purposes is that nothing that was said .. in the HJ (Iran)case supports the idea that it is relevant to determine how important the right is to the individual. There is no scope for the application of the core/marginal distinction ….”
“The level of entitlement to protection cannot be calibrated according to the inclination of the individual who claims it. The essential character of the right is inherent to the nature of the right, not to the value that an individual places on it ……. That is why the emphasis must be not on the disposition of the individual liable to be the victim of persecution but on the mind of the persecutor.”
“It follows that where it is established that, upon his return to his country of origin, the person concerned will follow a religious practice which will expose him to a real risk of persecution, he should be granted refugee status, in accordance with Article 13 of the Directive. The fact that he could avoid that risk by abstaining from certain religious practices is, in principle, irrelevant.”
“For the purpose of determining, specifically, which acts may be regarded as constituting persecution within the meaning of Article 9(1)(a) of the Directive, it is unnecessary to distinguish acts that interfere with the ‘core areas’ (‘forum internum’) of the basic right to freedom of religion, which do not include religious activities in public (‘forum externum’), from acts which do not affect those purported ‘core areas’ …..
“In assessing such a risk, the competent authorities must take account of a number of factors, both objective and subjective. The subjective circumstance that the observance of a certain religious practice in public, which is subject to the restrictions at issue, is of particular importance to the person concerned in order to preserve his religious identity is a relevant factor to be taken into account in determining the level of risk to which the applicant will be exposed in his country of origin on account of his religion, even if the observance of such a religious practice does not constitute a core element of faith for the religious community concerned.”
“It follows that the person must be granted refugee status, in accordance with Article 13 of the Directive, where it is established that on return to his country of origin his homosexuality would expose him to a genuine risk of persecution within the meaning of Article 9(1) thereof. The fact that he could avoid that risk by exercising greater restraint than a heterosexual in expressing his sexual orientation is not to be taken into account in that respect.”
“[17] What is missing from the determination is a finding whether the Appellant would continue as a journalist … There will need to be further evidence on this aspect …. [18] If it is found that the Appellant will resume his occupation as a journalist on return, the issue will be whether it would be reasonable to expect him to change his career and to resume his earlier [teaching] or another occupation.”
“In an asylum case or an immigration case – (a). If a party wishes the Upper Tribunal to consider evidence that was not before the First-tier Tribunal, that party must send or deliver a notice to the Upper Tribunal and any other party – (i) indicating the nature of the evidence; and (ii) explaining why it was not submitted to the First-tier Tribunal; and (b). When considering whether to admit evidence that was not before the First-tier Tribunal, the Upper Tribunal must have regard to whether there has been unreasonable delay in producing that evidence.”
“The Upper Tribunal may – (a). admit evidence whether or not – (i) the evidence would be admissible in a civil trial in the United Kingdom; or (ii) the evidence was available to a previous decision maker; or (b). exclude evidence that would otherwise be admissible where – (i) the evidence was not provided within the time allowed by a direction or a practice direction; (ii) the evidence was otherwise provided in a manner that did not comply with a direction or a practice direction; or (iii) it would otherwise be unfair to admit the evidence.”
“[46] The above information indicates that journalists and those who work in the media are generally at risk in Somalia, with those working for state-owned media companies at the greatest risk. It is noted that Simba Radio is an independent radio station however and is not linked in any way to the Somali Government …. [47] It is also noted that you worked as a reporter for Simba Radio from May 2011 until September 2013 …. Before this you worked as a teacher for three years, teaching mathematics and Somali language ….. [48] It is therefore concluded that although working as a reporter may place you at risk in Somalia, it is not a necessary risk, as you have transferable skills as a teacher which would allow you to live and work peacefully in your home country. When this was put to you in interview the only reason you cited for not pursuing a career as a teacher was that the salary is less than that of a reporter.”
“Despite the violence, dozens of radio stations aligned with particular factions continued to broadcast in Mogadishu and in other parts of the country. The TFG [Transitional Government] continued to support Radio Mogadishu …… This includes journalists from popular stations …. who have found it challenging to operate under [AS] …… Journalists were subjected to violence, harassment, arrest and detention in all regions. The National Union of Somali Journalists reported 18 journalists were killed across the country in 2012 and 14 were wounded in Mogadishu … This was the deadliest year on record for the country’s journalists ….. Concerning the big number of assassinated journalists, it is not justified to say that [AS]is targeting this group specifically, according to the international NGO(B) Mogadishu. [AS] has taken responsibility for the killings of only journalists from the state run Radio Mogadishu. Who is behind the rest of the killings of journalists is not clear. In this connection it should be mentioned that Shabelle Media has had a conflict for a long time with the Government. It was added that most journalists will not report negatively about [AS].” [Emphasis added.]
“It is conceded by the Respondent that in general journalists may be at risk in Mogadishu.”
“[10] First, the Secretary of State was not thereby purporting to accept that all practising journalists in Somalia are necessarily at risk. The Secretary of State submits that this is evidenced not only from the passages of the COIS Report …. which do not support such a wide concession, but also from the fact that she then went on to state ……….. that ‘working as a reporter may place [the Appellant] at risk’ [emphasis added]. That is, her decision was that in any event an individualised risk assessment would need to be undertaken, albeit against general background factors. ….. [15] Second, if and to the extent that paragraph [46] of the Secretary of State’s refusal letter is considered to contain a concession that all practising journalists in Somalia are necessarily at risk, then the Secretary of State confirms that she does indeed seek to withdraw such concession. Such a concession is neither supported by the information in the COIS Report … nor …. the information in the current CIG Report (April 2014). Whilst both reports indicate that there are known instances of journalists having been targeted, the evidential picture falls far short of establishing that all journalists are generally at risk, let alone journalists who do not work for state owed media companies (such as Simba Radio).”
“The Secretary of State’s position is that it is therefore somewhat artificial to seek to isolate a concession in respect of the evidential position pertaining at a given moment in time, as in any event the position would need to be considered against the most up to date and relevant evidence.”
“The Appellant therefore submits that on the balance of probabilities he can prove that the Respondent has acted in bad faith in withdrawing the concession as she has not acted reasonably, with good faith and upon lawful and relevant grounds of public interest.”
“It is clear from the authorities that where a concession has been made before an adjudicator by either party the Tribunal can allow the concession to be withdrawn if it considers that there is good reason in all the circumstances to take that course …. What the Tribunal must do is to try to obtain a fair and just result. In the absence of prejudice, if a presenting officer has made a concession which appears in retrospect to be a concession which he should not have made, then justice will require that the Secretary of State be allowed to withdraw that concession before the Tribunal.”
“…. The Tribunal may in its discretion permit a concession to be withdrawn if in its view there is good reason in all the circumstances for that course to be taken. Its discretion is wide. Its exercise will depend on the particular circumstances of the case before it. Prejudice to the appellant is a significant feature. So is its absence. Its absence does not however mean that an application to withdraw a concession will invariably be granted. Bad faith will almost certainly be fatal to an application to withdraw a concession. In the final analysis, what is important is that as a result of the exercise of its discretion the Tribunal is enabled to decide the real areas of dispute on their merits so as to reach a result which is just both to the Appellant and the Secretary of State.”
“Bad faith is a serious allegation which attracts a heavy burden of proof.”
“There is, on the authorities, a two stage test. First, was it evident to the solicitor receiving the privileged documents that a mistake had been made? If so, the solicitor is expected to return the documents. If it was no so evident would it have been obvious to the hypothetical reasonable solicitor that disclosure had occurred as a result of the mistake?”