“ Please send me: - All information relating to polling the general public on their perception on the strength of the union since January 2018. This includes any spending on such polling in each month by your Department. - All information relating to contact from your Department with Ipsos Mori in the last 6 months for polling on the general public's perception of the state of the union. I would like the above information to be provided to me electronically at [email address]. If this understanding is too wide or unclear, I would be grateful if you contact me as I understand that under the Act, you are required to advise and assist requesters. If any of this information is already in the public domain, please can you direct me to it, with page references and URLs if necessary.”
“I have carefully reviewed the handling of your request and I consider that the exemptions at s35(1)(a) of the Freedom of Information Act were properly applied. I believe that the balance of the public interest was fully considered for the reasons set out in our letter of1 July 2019 . I have therefore concluded that I should uphold the decision given in our letter. I have considered the points you make about the UK’s Government’s existing Union policy, alongside the interests of both the public and the devolved administrations. Whilst the UK Government does have an overarching policy to maintain the integrity of the Union, this is underpinned by ongoing activity to support the development of that policy.”
“The UK government has a confirmed policy on the Union therefore any polling on this topic would be about current government policy rather than its formulation or development. If this polling was about changing the government's policy then | could understand this exemption. However, it could then legitimately be argued that is within not only in the public interest, but also the interests of the devolved administrations, that this information is released.”
“It concerns me that if the UK government can use this exemption clause when no specific policy review has been announced or is underway, there is a risk that almost any [freedom of information] request could be refused under this clause, effectively subverting the intention of the legislation.”
“1. Please clarify exactly which government policy or policies the Cabinet Office considers this information relate(s) to. The Information Tribunal has made it clear that in cases where section 35(1)(a) applies central to the consideration of the public interest test is the timing of any request. This is because once the formulation/development of a policy has been made completed, the risk of prejudicing the policy process by disclosing information is likely to be reduced and so the public interest in maintaining the exemption deserves less weight. (See for example: DFES vInformation Commissioner, EA/2006/0006, paragraph 75). Furthermore, the Tribunal has made it clear that policy formulation and development is not one which is a ‘seamless web’, i.e. a policy cycle in which a policy is formulated following which any information on its implementation is fed into the further development of that policy or the formulation of a new policy. It is therefore necessary for the ICO to be able to identify when the policy formulation/development stage to which the withheld information relates ended and the implementation of this policy began. 2. Therefore, please explain when the Cabinet Office considers the formulation/development of the policy or policies to which this information relates to have been completed, or indeed confirm why the Cabinet Office considers the formulation/development of this particular policy (or policies) to have been ongoing at the time the complainant submitted his request. The complainant has made a specific point about this argument, namely that the request relates to information on the Government’s current policy. Please ensure you address the question of reliance on section 35 where policy has already been developed.”
“Application of section 35(1)(a) You asked for clarification on which government policy we consider the information within scope of the request relates to. The entirety of the information relates to the broad area of attitudes towards the Union of the United Kingdom and the Government’s policy commitment to maintain the integrity of that Union between all four nations: England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Your email also asked about whether this policy area was still within the policy formulation or development stage or whether this had ended and it had progressed to the stage of policy implementation. REDACTED PASSAGE To this end, the Cabinet Office has been conducting periodic research to establish a clear understanding of public attitudes toward social, cultural and economic bonds between the UK nations and how these factors drive broader perception of the value of being part of the United Kingdom. Titled the “UK Perspectives Project”, the initial research by Ipsos MORI was conducted in March 2018. The full report and data tables from this research were delivered in June 2018. The Cabinet Office has also commissioned research on Attitudes to Devolution and the Union (conducted by Britain Thinks). The full report and data tables (separately for Wales, Scotland and England) for this piece of work were delivered in May 2018. The UK Perspectives Project was extended in November 2018 to include a further round of research, which Ipsos MORI successfully bid for. This commenced in April 2019 and concluded in May 2019. Headline findings were delivered to the Cabinet Office on 24 May and final data tables from telephone surveys were delivered on31 May 2019 . As such, at the time of Mr Sheppard’s request, the final data had been in the Cabinet Office’s possession for a total of three days (clearly not sufficient time for the data to have been absorbed, analysed and its implications given due consideration, let alone for it to have led to an agreed policy direction that could have received Ministerial approval and sign-off). Given this, the Cabinet Office considers that it was entirely correct, at the time of the request, in maintaining that this information still formed a policy consideration in the very early stages of formulation and falling entirely and squarely within the auspice of material protected by section 35(1)(a) of the Act. To complete this timeline for the ICO’s information - though reiterating that this further activity came after the date of Mr Sheppard’s request - Ipsos MORI presented a policy debrief to the Cabinet Office on12 July 2019 and a communications debrief on 17 July. The final full slide deck report was delivered on23 August 2019 . Some of the information in scope is now also in the public domain. We have published a redacted contract for the 2019 research on GOV.UK, in line with government transparency procedures. The contract for the 2018 research is also available on GOV.UK. Additionally, details of the Cabinet Office’s research spend on these projects from January 2018 to June 2019 is also available in the public domain on GOV.UK as part of the government’s expenditure transparency data (May 2018:£168,857.50 [including£33,771.50 VAT, which was recovered]; May 2018:£17,550.00 [including£3,510.00 VAT, which was recovered]; October 2018:£31,599.50 [including£6,319.90 VAT, which was recovered]; and May 2019:£46,800 [including VAT]). Public interest test As set out above, when we received Mr Sheppard’s request (on3 June 2019 ), we did not have the analysed findings, in full, from the 2019 wave of the UK Perspectives Projectresearch; all we had received were the initial headline findings (which were a summary of initial interesting results and subject to change following completion of analysis) and the final data tables from telephone surveys. This shows that the research itself (as opposed to any follow-on policy formulation based on the data) was, therefore, still in the early stages; we were yet to be in a position to analyse the results in full and determine how these could be used to influence government policy as part of the Union Strategy. The Cabinet Office was, therefore, at the time of the request, still in the process of taking forward its work (which is still ongoing) to develop the UK Government’s approach and policy for the Union Strategy based upon the commissioned research. REDACTED PASSAGE The Cabinet Office is, therefore, of the opinion that it was entirely correct to withhold this information under section 35(1)(a) as it very clearly falls within the remit of information pertinent to the formulation or development of government policy and that it was also correct in its assessment of the public interest test that release of this information at such an early stage of policy development would be prejudicial to the ability of officials and Ministers to explore and discuss all available options in a free and frank manner, and to understand their possible implications, and would adversely affect the quality of the debate underlining effective decision making. To have released this information at the time of the request (or, indeed, currently) would have been extremely premature and not in the public interest.”
“5. I give permission to appeal to the Cabinet Office because I consider there is merit in its grounds of appeal and because those grounds potentially raise an issue of wider importance concerning the correct scope of section 35(1)(a) of FOIA…... 6. In essence, as I understood [the Cabinet Office’s] submissions, the key and wider ground of appeal is that the First-tier Tribunal erroneously construed section 35(1)(a) as meaning that the identification of a developed and settled high level policy – ‘maintaining the Union of the United Kingdom’ – necessarily meant that steps or actions related to that policy constituted implementation of that policy and could not amount to formulation of government policy. It is arguable that this is the approach the First-tier Tribunal took in paragraph 27 of its decision. It is further arguable that this is a misreading of the scope of section 35(1)(a) as it arguably would remove from the ‘safe space’ protection of that sub-section the development or formulation of what may be termed government sub-policies that sit underneath the high level policy. The example used in argument before me was the consideration and development of policy to meet the need for greater ‘home political accountability’, as a means of maintaining the Union, that then led to theScotland Act 1998 . On the First-tier Tribunal’s analysis of section 35(1)(a) in this case the governmental discussions and actions leading up to the Scotland Bill and then theScotland Act 1998 would not fall within the possible protection of section 35(1)(a) at all as those discussions would not be about the development of the policy of ‘maintaining the Union’ but could only be about implementing that policy. That approach to governmental policy making as protected by section 35(1)(a) is arguably wrong in law. In any event it is a point of law of wide public importance which requires clarification by the Upper Tribunal. 7. On the other hand, as Mr Sheppard stressed, drawing the scope of section 35(1)(a) such that information about governmental actions taken to defend and promote the policy of maintenance of the Union (that is, actions on the face of it to implement that policy) may be considered to be information that might also relate to the possible formulation or development of new policies, would arguably bring all governmental actions under a high level policy within section 35(1)(a), which arguably cannot have been the statutory intendment. This argument, however, in a way arguably underscores the Cabinet Office’s argument that determining the scope of section 35(1)(a) is a point of wider public importance. 8. Mr Sheppard’s point also throws light on another arguable error of law made by the First-tier Tribunal. It is an argument the Cabinet Office also puts forward. This is the argument that the First-tier Tribunal arguably erred in law by failing to interrogate in any sufficient manner (as shown by its fact-finding and reasoning) the evidence before it so as to properly conclude whether the information sought by Mr Sheppard was in fact concerned (only) with implementing the government policy of maintaining of the Union of the four nations of the United Kingdom. One aspect of this may be whether the First-tier Tribunal gave any, or any adequate, consideration to paragraph 48 of the Information Commissioner’s guidance on the application of section 35(1)a) of FOIA in deciding whether the information sought by Mr Sheppard in fact related to the formulation or development of government policy or was about the implementation of government policy.”
“Even if we are wrong about section 35(1)(a) of FOIA not being engaged, in the alternative we are satisfied for the following reasons that the public interest in disclosing the information outweighed the public interest in maintaining the exemption”
“Formulation v implementation 43. The Commissioner understands the term ‘formulation’ of policy to refer to the early stages of the policy process where options are generated and analysed, risks are identified, consultation occurs, and recommendations or submissions are put to a minister who then decides which options should be translated into political action. 44. Given the variety of different ways in which policy can be made, it is not always easy to identify exactly when a policy is finalised so that formulation ends and implementation begins Again, there is no single rule: this will depend on the facts of each case. 48. For complicated policies, it is possible that formulation may continue even after [a new policy has been announced]. In some cases the government announces a high-level policy, or passes a ‘framework’ bill into law, but leaves the finer details of a policy still to be worked out. The high-level policy objective has been finalised, but detailed policy options are still being assessed and debated. Later information relating to the formulation of the detailed policy will still engage the exemption. 49. Whether such decisions on detail remain formulation of policy, or are really about implementation, is a matter of degree. In line with the key indicatorsof policymaking set out above, decisions on detail are more likely to constitute policy formulation if they require ministerial approval, there are a range of options with differing outcomes in the wider world,and the consequences of the decisions are wide-ranging. Development v implementation 54. The Commissioner understands the term ‘development’ of policy to include the process of reviewing, improving or adjusting existing policy. 55. Not every decision or alteration made after an original policy was settled will amount to the development of that policy. If policy is a plan to achieve a particular outcome in the real world, the development of that policy is likely to involve a review of its intended outcomes, or a significant change to the original plan. By contrast, minor adjustments made in order to adapt to changing circumstances, avoid unintended consequences, or better achieve the original goals might more accurately be seen as decisions on implementation. 56. In this context, the policy can be seen as a framework of ‘rules’ put in place to achieve a particular objective. This framework will set some fundamental details in stone, but will also inevitably leave more detailed decisions for those implementing the plan, thus giving some inbuilt flexibility on how it can be delivered. Any such adjustment or decision that can be made within this inbuilt flexibility – ie without altering the original objectives or rules – is likely to be an implementation decision rather than policy development. 57. Who makes the decision will be a helpful indicator here: as ministers have the final say on government policy, only a minister can approve a change to that policy. Any decisions or adjustments made by someone else must therefore be implementation or management decisions, rather than policy development. 58. However, not every decision by a minister is automatically policy development. Ministers may sometimes be involved in making other decisions about the application, implementation or presentation of existing policy. 59. The more limited and case-specific the consequences of a decision, the less likely it is to be policy development. A decision on how existing rules apply to an individual case is likely to be a decision on the application of existing policy. For example, decisions about individual applications for licenses or grants will rarely constitute government policymaking, even if the decision has been made by a minister. 60. Nonetheless, some such decisions may be so novel, high-profile or politically sensitive that they inevitably trigger a decision by the minister on whether the existing policy is appropriate. The more wide-ranging the consequences of the decision and the more unusual or politically sensitive it is, the more likely that it involves an element of policy review or development.”
“31….the FTT stands in the shoes of the Information Commissioner and its proceedings are inquisitorial. The FTT’s task is to determine whether a public authority has complied with its obligations under FOIA. In some cases the outcome will affect not only the immediate parties to the appeal. It is both a normal and desirable feature of such proceedings that a party is able to amend its position where that assists the FTT to reach the correct conclusion……To limit the procedural flexibility of the FTT in information rights cases would hinder the tribunal in discharging its function. As the Upper Tribunal said in Browning v IC and DBIS[2013] UKUT 236 (AAC) at paragraph 60, the FTT’s function in such appeals is “investigatory and is to see that FOIA is properly applied to the circumstances …The existence of those exemptions means that the statutory scheme requires that the Requested/Disputed Information must be protected until it has been decided whether it may be revealed. If this were not the case, the purpose of the FOIA process and the appeal to the First-tier Tribunal would be destroyed.” “investigatory and is to see that FOIA is properly applied to the circumstances …The existence of those exemptions means that the statutory scheme requires that the Requested/Disputed Information must be protected until it has been decided whether it may be revealed. If this were not the case, the purpose of the FOIA process and the appeal to the First-tier Tribunal would be destroyed.”