“"Ennahdha" in the country of grapes and olives It is not inconceivable for Tunisia to turn into Gaza if Ghannouchi assumes its leadership. Farouq Yousef Friday5 July 2019 [There then appeared a photograph of the Claimant] The leader of the Tunisian Hamas Terrorism has been linked with religious groups and organisations. That is no longer speculative. Everything that the world has witnessed in recent years of terrorist operations, these groups and organisations planned and carried out. Let’s say, for argument’s sake, that a religious organisation claims to renounce violence and the killing of civilians. It would not dare announce such a position by taking a firm stance that criminalizes groups that adopt violence as a means of terrorising and subjugating society to their rules. In fact, every religious organisation wants to reach the same objectives that terrorist groups seek to achieve through violence. That conclusion does not require a search for evidence to be acceptable. For the Muslim Brotherhood or the Lebanese Hezbollah to seek to deny terrorism accusations, this can be expected without the need to believe it. In all cases of murder, the courts do not consider the murderer's confession of his crime as an indispensable element in judging him as a murderer. If we look at the Ennahdha Party in Tunisia, as a front for the brotherhood, its behaviour, both inside and outside the government, stands at the heart of the storm that leads to change through violence. And though it persists in the midst of a democratic process, it does not believe in democracy when it comes to others. It would be a scary event if the Ennahdha Party was not overwhelmingly defeated in any election, be it presidential, parliamentary or municipal. This is because they expect that the party will remove its temporary mask to show its true face. And because religious organisations establish hidden relationships amongst themselves, owing to their common goals, it is not inconceivable that the Ennahdha Party is familiar with the group that carried out the recent bombings at the beginning of the tourist season. Ennahdha does not want Tunisia to be a tourism country. For them, tourism is true corruption. But stealing state funds and people's votes, receiving money from a foreign state and conspiring to overthrow the civil state in all its forms, in its views are not corruption. The Ennahdawis, as are the brotherhood in their various denominations, depend on the establishment of a poor and rent-seeking state, whose people rely on aid provided by the countries that adopt the brotherhood's ideology. The Ennahdha Party is similar to Hamas in that sense. Therefore, it is not inconceivable for Tunisia to turn into Gaza if Ghannouchi assumes its leadership. What a miserable fate. This is not an exaggeration, because the man who relies on "Qatar" to finance his movement and has not yet been held accountable is capable of transforming Tunisia into a desert roamed by the terrorists who are then exported around the Arab world in a travel campaign, similar to the one that went to Syria in the days of Ennahdha Party rule. Tunisia can be imagined under Ghannouchi's rule as a country that does not plant olives, figs, grapes, oranges, or produce wine or olive oil, and where thousands of its hotels by the sea do not receive millions of tourists coming from different parts of the world with their various cultures. That Tunisia will not be happy with its civilizational history, with its poets, philosophers, writers, musicians and activist women. It would become a Tunisia that harbours terrorists coming from everywhere. There are countries that dream of turning Tunisia into a terminal for the export of terrorists. All these factors lead me to the conclusion that the Ennahdha Party, which claims to have nothing to do with violence, is through its plans and ambitions one of its staunchest advocates. Ennahdha is not worried about the terrorism that strikes Tunisia, because it will ensure that terrorism does not strike Tunisia if the whole country becomes a terrorism incubator. There is no place for Tahir Haddad, Mahmoud al-Messadi and Abul Qasim Chebbi in a Tunisia led by Ennahdha.”
“… it to be has to be borne in mind that the assessment of whether there is a real and substantial tort is not a mere number game, and also that the reach of a defamatory imputation is not limited to its immediate readership. … The graver the imputation the more likely it is to spread, and to cause serious harm.”
“The three interlocking purposes of an award of damages in defamation cases are to: compensate for the damage to the claimant’s reputation; vindicate his good name; take account of the distress, hurt and humiliation caused to him; The conventional ceiling for general damages is now of the order of£275,000 . This does not take account of the uplift consequential on the Jackson reforms… Conduct or aggravation on the part of the defendant is reflected in compensatory damages where it causes additional hurt to the claimant’s feelings, or, in the context of vindication, injury to his reputation, over and above that caused by the publication itself; Vindication involves not merely compensation for past of future losses but “in case the libel, driven underground, emerges from its lurking place at some future date, [the claimant] must be able to point to a sum awarded to by [the Court] sufficient to convince a bystander of the baselessness of the charge”; There is no general principle that there is a reduced need for vindication once a reasoned judgment has been given at the conclusion of a trial. It is unlikely that the readers of a web article will download the judgment and read it with close attention. The general public is concerned to discover the “headline” result; The Judge will normally arrive at a global figure by way of award, rather than splitting the award into conventional figures of injury of feelings.”
“... the guidance given in Cairns v Modi as regards (i) the need for proportionality in libel awards; (ii) the scope of publication (iii) taking an approach which recognises the need for vindication and (iv) the lack of necessity for a detailed breakdown of the award. These factors were rehearsed in the above way by Langstaff J in Karl Samuel Oyston v Stephen Reed[2016] EWHC 1067 46. the damages must not be out of proportion to those awarded for serious personal injury.”
“In any action for libel or slander the defendant may give evidence in mitigation of damages that the plaintiff has recovered damages, or has brought actions for damages, for libel or slander in respect of the publication of words to the same effect as the words on which the action is founded, or has received or agreed to receive compensation in respect of any such publication.”