"(1) In return for cash donations to the Conservative Party, the claimant corruptly offered for sale the opportunity to influence government policy and gain unfair advantage through secret meetings with the Prime Minister and other senior ministers. (2) The claimant made the offer, even though he knew that the money offered for secret meetings was to come, in breach of the ban under UK electoral law, from Middle Eastern investors in a Liechtenstein fund; and (3) further, in order to circumvent and thereby evade the law, the claimant was happy that the foreign donors should use deceptive devices, such as creating an artificial UK company to donate the money or using UK employees as conduits, so that the true source of the donation would be concealed."
“If I had not reached the decision which I have reached on the meaning in defamation, I would not admit the evidence the Claimant seeks to rely on in support of my finding that meaning as one of a range of permissible meanings for the purposes of malicious falsehood.”
“15. For my part I have no difficulty in agreeing with the judge that the meaning of the words in the articles is the meaning attributed to them by Mr Cruddas but I do have difficulty in agreeing that the word "corruptly" necessarily (or on the facts of this case) connotes that a criminal offence has been committed…. 16. … I would conclude that the defendants are not asserting that Mr Cruddas was criminally corrupt in offering access to Minister for cash. They are asserting that Mr Cruddas' conduct was "inappropriate", "unacceptable" and "wrong". To some people that may indicate "corruption" but it is not explicitly or implicitly an assertion of any criminal offence. It overeggs the pudding to say that the natural and ordinary meaning of the words used is that offering access to Ministers for cash is to commit a criminal offence and I do not think (particularly in the light of the second of Sir Thomas [Bingham MR]'s principles [set out in Skuse v Granada Television Ltd [1996] E.M.L.R 279, 285]) that the ordinary reader would so understand it, even if he thought that the conduct was morally unacceptable because it tended to impropriety.”
“24 If the defendants are not alleging criminality in the first of the meanings on which Mr Cruddas relies, must the defence of justification in paragraph 8 of the amended defence nevertheless be struck out? 25 In my view the answer is No. The case should go to trial so that the defendants have the opportunity to justify the lesser meaning which they attribute to their articles. 26 Part of the difficulty is, of course, that the natural and ordinary meaning of the words used on which Mr Cruddas relies which the judge has upheld and with which I agree (subject to the qualification that they do not connote a criminal offence) itself carries an ambiguity in its use of the word "corruptly". Mr Browne in a somewhat over-elaborate submission said that the articles emphasised that there would be secret meetings with the Prime Minister, that such secret meetings would produce awesome advantages for the donors and that such advantages provided a secret opportunity to exert influence over government policy which other less advantaged people would not have. He then submitted that that constituted "corruption" on any view and that the defendants had no defence to the claim that the articles were defamatory. But if Mr Cruddas chooses to interpret "corruptly" in that sense, the defendants should be allowed to say not only that they have accurately reported his statement and that the report does not amount to an allegation of corruption but also that, if it does, they can justify that allegation. 27 The judge thought that because the articles contained more than quotations from Mr Cruddas and did not, in any event, set out all that he said to the reporters, they could not establish that the articles were a true and accurate report. He said the defence contained in paragraph 8.2 was logically defective because the articles contained both more than what Mr Cruddas has said and less than the totality of what he said. I find it difficult to see how professional journalism could survive if undercover reporters, exposing what they consider to be scandalous, had to report the totality of what the person under investigation had said and no more. The question is whether the report as a whole is a fair and accurate summary of what has been said. If a judge is satisfied that secret meetings were not offered or awesome advantages had not been on offer or secret opportunities to influence government policy were not promised, he will draw his own conclusion. But it cannot be right to strike out the defence of justification merely because the exchanges with Mr Cruddas were summarised and not set out in full. 28 To be fair, I doubt that the judge really contemplated that he could strike out the defence merely for this reason. He had already held that the meaning of the articles was that Mr Cruddas had committed the criminal offence of corruption and that, since the defendants could not justify that imputation, there was nothing left in the case. If one accepts that premise, the order striking out paragraph 8 of the defence is entirely understandable. Once one does not accept that premise, there must be a trial and it would be wrong now to say that the plea of justification must necessarily fail. I do not consider that Mr Witherow's apparent denial that the articles were alleging corruption takes the case anywhere. What the articles mean is for the court to decide not Mr Witherow. 29 There will therefore have to be a trial of the first libel claim. That being so, it would be inappropriate to say that there should be no trial of the second and third libel claims since they are intimately bound up with the more serious first claim. In any event the imputation of countenancing an offence under the 2000 Act is an imputation that is capable of being justified.”
“6. The Defendants have permission, (if so advised) to amend paragraph 7(2) of the Amended Defence and the particulars thereunder to justify the allegation that the Claimant had countenanced an offence under thePolitical Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 , the wording of such amendment (which is to be submitted forthwith) and the terms on which such amendment is to be granted to be determined by the trial judge.”
“23. As far as the second and third single meanings in relation to UK electoral law are concerned, the position is simpler. I have no doubt that the judge was correct to say (para 39) that the allegation of being prepared to countenance a "loophole in electoral law" does not amount to an imputation of criminality but (para 40) that the allegation of countenancing the funnelling of money through a third party is an imputation of countenancing a breach of section 61 of the 2000 Act already mentioned.”
“31. The first question therefore is whether the imputation of criminal corruption is a meaning which reasonable persons could read into the articles. Although I feel certain that the single meaning required by the law of libel does not carry that imputation, I cannot feel certain that a number of reasonable people would not have understood the articles as making an imputation of criminal corruption. I would therefore reject Mr Rampton's invitation that we should declare that, for the purpose of the malicious falsehood claim, the imputation of criminal corruption is a meaning which is not available for the purposes of malicious falsehood. 32. It might appear that there is a tension, even an incompatibility, between the proposition that a particular meaning is plainly wrong and the proposition that it is nevertheless a possible meaning. The reason why it is not necessarily so lies in the difference between libel and malicious falsehood. In malicious falsehood every reasonably available meaning, damaging or not, has to be considered. In libel, the artifice of a putative single meaning requires the court to find an approximate centre-point in the range of possible meanings. If, instead, a court of first instance selects as the single meaning for libel purposes one of the peripheral meanings in the range relevant to malicious falsehood, an appellate court may very well be satisfied that it has erred, because the single meaning has, generally speaking, to be the (or a) dominant one. 33. As far as the second and third claims are concerned the pleaded meanings are reasonably available meanings. I would moreover agree with the judge (para 113) when he says that the articles allege that the claimant was suggesting a breach of electoral law, in respect of the channelling of client funds through the reporters, not just a breach of its spirit. I would therefore reject Mr Rampton's invitation to allow breach of the spirit of the law to be included as a reasonably available meaning. Whether the imputation was false and whether it was malicious must await a trial of those issues.”
“The court must first ascertain all the circumstances which have a bearing on the suggestion that the judge was biased. It must then ask whether those circumstances would lead a fair-minded and informed observer to conclude that there was a real possibility, or a real danger, the two being the same, that the tribunal was biased.”
“10. … As to paragraph 8.2 the judge referred to the witness statement of Mr Witherow, the Editor of the Sunday Times when the articles were published, that in his view blatantly selling access was not corrupt but unethical. The judge seems to have accepted the argument for Mr Cruddas that this showed that by paragraph 8 of the defence the defendants were trying to achieve what the Editor had said was not the defendants' case. In other words the Sunday Times was trying to justify an allegation of corruption when its own editor was saying that he did not think blatantly selling access was corrupt at all… 28. I do not consider that Mr Witherow's apparent denial that the articles were alleging corruption takes the case anywhere. What the articles mean is for the court to decide not Mr Witherow.”