“What the SSHD did was to decide to make a deportation order on the entirely rational ground that the Claimant was a threat to national security. It was later realised that whilst this would achieve the purpose of removing the Claimant from the UK, it would not necessarily solve the problem of curtailing the Claimant’s anti-UK terrorist related activities. It was therefore desirable for him to be controlled, if after investigation and seeking advice this were to be considered to be legally possible, once deported to Iraq. The preference was that the Claimant be controlled if indeed deported to Iraq. Were it to be confirmed that that was not legally possible, the preference was not to pursue the deportation; and that is exactly what happened. This is a very different proposition to that asserted by the Claimant namely the purpose of the deportation decision was simply to get the Claimant into custody somewhere other than Iraq. As to the option of detention by UK forces once the Claimant arrived in Iraq, assuming he was indeed deported, this was not an illegal proposition. In the event, the MoD was simply unwilling to co-operate for essentially political reasons.”
“The Home Office IND is currently looking at the possibility of deporting an Iraqi individual, assessed to be involved in insurgency activity, to Iraq. However before doing so we need to ascertain what treatment they might face if they are handed over to the new Iraqi regime.”
“(the claimant) contends that the decision …above breaches his rights under the European Convention on Human Rights . He has indicated that he relies upon Articles 2, 3, and 8 ECHR but has not explained in what respects the decisions under appeal have infringed any ECHR rights. The Secretary of State has considered these statements in the light of his decisions to refuse and deport (the Claimant) and does not consider that his actions violate any of the articles (the Claimant) has cited.”
“With regard to paragraph 1(g) … there is no documentation available. My understanding is that (the Claimant) raised articles 2, 3, and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights in his grounds but did not articulate this alleged breach on return to Iraq to any specific event, location or entity. Therefore further consideration was unable to be undertaken on these allegations, resulting in a conclusion that no such risk on return existed”
“although this can be dealt with at the hearing (a bail application not being the appropriate forum for a discussion of the wider case) there is a serious question surrounding what will happen to him in Iraq if successfully deported: it may well be that that we will have to seek assurances from the Iraqi authorities as to treatment, including whether or not he will be handed over to the Americans.”
‘1. Upon hearing Counsel for the Claimant and for the Defendant and upon the Defendant admitting that “at all material times, in the circumstances of this case, (the Claimant) could not have been returned under the MOU; at all material times a bespoke arrangement was required,” no order needs to be made on application for specific disclosure of the Memorandum of Understanding and the ‘Baghdad Egram’.’
“A memorandum of Understanding was signed with the Iraqi Government on26th January 2005 in which it was agreed that we could begin an enforced returns programme. The MOU allows for the return of failed asylum seekers in small batches of 15-20 and only to the KRG area. In informal discussions between the then Minister of Migration and Displacement and the Home Office it was agreed that no criminals would be sent back in the first batches of returnees. If this case is to be considered within the enforced returns programme then we have contradictory elements within the policy. Under the terms of the MOU we agreed to provide the Iraqi and KRG authorities with a list of those we intend to remove two weeks in advance of the proposed removal dates.”
“all interested parties dismiss this option because of his activities, (the claimant) cannot be left to his own devices and will need to be returned to some form of custody. Simply returning him without controlling him on arrival is pointless: he will simply join the insurgency.”
“Officials have agreed that (the Claimant) should not be deported if that were to result in him being free to continue his anti-coalition activity in Iraq. We should only pursue deportation if we can ensure that he will be taken into custody in Iraq …”; - in the Duty Minister’s letter of response to the Home Office Minister of10th August 2005 : “Our officials have agreed that (the Claimant) should not be returned to Iraq unless we can be sure that he is not free to carry out anti-coalition activities here. The only way to achieve this is to be sure that he will be taken into custody immediately on his return.”; - the witness statement of Nicholas John Troake, Grade 7 Civil Servant in the Immigration and Nationality Department of the Home Office, of the19th September 2005 ,within the SIAC appeal proceedings, at paragraph : 3: “ … the Secretary of State for the Home Department has concentrated his efforts on arrangements for the safe return of (the Claimant) to Iraqi custody in Iraq”; - the submission to the Home Secretary of2nd September 2005 : “(i) unsupervised return this has been discounted. It is not currently possible to return (the claimant) to Iraq via the enforced returns programme and the assessment is that if he were allowed to return unsupervised he would simply join the insurgency;” - the Home Office speaking note attached to an email of28th September 2005 : “(Claimant) … Needs to be returned to custody in Iraq, to possibly face trial in an Iraqi court or he will re-engage in insurgency activity; The preferred route of return for this individual would be to Multi-National Force (MNF), British (Not US) custody with a view to transferring him to Iraqi custody as a criminal suspect (possibly to face trial), once the -20th October 2005 email within Home Office reporting what the MoD were going to say in a letter to be sent over that morning: “Main point – MoD will say that they are happy to help with returns but that they cannot guarantee continued internment within Iraq. … Their view is that this will have to be a separate decision for the GOC in Iraq who will need to take a view on the situation on the ground and the threat the individuals pose there ...”; -21st October 2005 , paragraph 4 of submission to Home Secretary: “as you are aware from previous submissions … we have discounted return to Iraq unsupervised and return to US custody in Iraq and have been concentrating our efforts on negotiations with the Iraqi Government (for a return to Iraqi custody) and negotiations with the MoD for a return to British custody.”
“The FCO, MoD and Country Action Team will be providing fuller advice in the next few days which I will submit in detail. The security service have indicated that they will seek a control order if it were no longer possible to detain (the claimant) pending deportation. The power to detain under immigration powers lapses immediately it becomes clear that removal is not a possibility. Whilst this is not yet the position you should be aware of developments and that you could be asked to make the decision on deportation and control order simultaneously.”
“We are reaching the point where SIAC may very well conclude that deportation is not currently a practical or reasonable prospect … and take steps to end (the claimant’s) detention. More importantly, to detain (the claimant) beyond the point where we do reasonably consider that he can be deported within a reasonable period of time would be unlawful and could give rise to a claim for damages.”
“(iv) return to Iraqi custody in Iraq. Hazel Blears wrote to the FCO seeking their assistance on 27th July. The Foreign Office have made preliminary contact with the Iraqi authorities who have not yet provided a formal response. The Iraqis have no power to hold (the Claimant) as a security detainees and will only be able to detain him if we are able to supply them with sufficient evidence to establish that he has committed an offence under Iraqi law. Any negotiations are likely to take a long time. It may prove difficult to supply the Iraqis with sufficient evidence since the Security Service may be unable to disclose their full security case.”
“We have discussed. We are ready to investigate a bespoke package with the Iraqis as requested. As we are treating this as criminal case, we believe that this will best be done initially on a police to police basis. We have UK police in Basra who should be able to do this. Once the possibility of prosecution in Iraq is established we shall be able to explore the sorts of guarantee we need before handing him over. We cannot however approach the Iraqis on a hypothetical basis. The first question they will ask is whether we have evidence of criminal activity that could form the basis of prosecution in Iraq. Grateful if you could provide us with sufficient material to enable our police to begin discussions. You might consider now involving the police directly to facilitate the process. Simultaneously we and the police will want some assurance that the UK military will be content to handle his transfer to Iraq and custody pending his transfer to the Iraqis, should this be necessary. We will presumably have to draw up some contingency plan in the event that the transfer to the Iraqis falls through and he remains in UK military custody in Iraq.”
“I am currently trying to obtain information on (Claimant) which you would be able to pass to the Iraqis. However although this may give details on what is alleged he has been involved with, criminality in the broader context of the word, he has not actually been convicted of anything. I am also trying to obtain evidence to back these allegations, which might assist with any court trial, although it is likely to be very limited if at all … we will try and provide info to give some sense of what he has been up to in Iraq, to give the Iraqis some basis for arrest and detention.”
“(ii) return to American custody. This too has not been pursued on the grounds it would involve us defending the American Human rights position (which the FCOs questionable) in court and could become politically embarrassing. The British authorities in Iraq have so far refused to transfer detainees from British to American custody pending the conclusion of an MOU guaranteeing humane treatment and we would need assurances from the US authorities that the Claimant would not be subject to “extraordinary rendition” to Guantanamo Bay. We have discounted this possibility but would be grateful if you could say you think we should be pursuing this option.”
“I have asked my officials to prepare the ground in general with the Iraqis. Our embassy in Bagdad will be talking to the Iraqis in the next few days, but before they can begin negotiating a bespoke package they will need more detailed information about (the claimant) and his activities in the UK and Iraq which can be shared with the Iraqis. We need the Home Office to provide this The negotiation of such a package may take such time and we will want to be sure we receive the required assurances from the Iraqis. This will take time. We will do the best we can to make progress. But even if they are receptive – we are most unlikely to conclude an agreement in the next few weeks.”
“More seriously, internment of (the claimant) by UK forces could give rise to accusations that the UK transferred (the Claimant) to Iraq to facilitate his detention. Besides the difficult presentational difficulties this could potentially leave us exposed to a challenge underArticle 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights and a claim that the decision to intern was taken for improper reasons. Such a challenge could undermine the power of internment, which is an important measure for protecting UK personnel, Iraqi security forces and Iraqi civilians.”
“I am also keen to ensure that the MoD is not seen to be expediting the transfer of an individual to a more permissive legal framework that affords them less legal protection than they might enjoy in the UK and which permits detention that would be unlawful in the UK. Besides the difficult presentational implications this could potentially leave us exposed to a challenge underArticle 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights and a claim that the decision to intern was taken for improper reasons.”
“from a policy point of view there may be an additional issue if we are seen as removing this individual to enable his internment in Iraq, so as to circumvent the consequences of the House of Lords Judgment in the ‘A’ case last December preventing his detention under the ATCSA in the UK.”
“you also suggest the possibility of the (Claimant) being taken into custody by the Multi-National Force. Whilst it is true that the MNF can intern imperative threats to their security, I do not think that the custody by either the UK or the US forces in Iraq is feasible.”
“The timetable for the negotiations depends upon the Iraqi Government. The British Embassy will do everything it can to advance them speedily but it is unlikely that they will be concluded in the immediate future. For this reason it as been impossible to finalise the evidence on behalf of the Secretary of State.”
“on27th September 2005 the FCO further advised the Defendant that the agreement of the Iraqi Deputy Minister of the Interior would also be required, but that access to the Ministry was not possible. Embassy staff were not at liberty to travel freely in order to progress discussions and the relevant Iraqi officials were engaged in matters they considered to be of a higher priority (including for example the negotiating of the Constitution) and little interest was expressed in developing a suitable MOU. It was therefore considered that in any event it would not be possible to progress a MOU within a reasonable timescale”
“We do not think that the Iraqi authorities have their Security forces under sufficient control to respect the assurances we would require.”
“No we will not get an MOU in a reasonable time frame; and even if we get an MOU, the Iraqi Govt cannot deliver their own security forces so it will be near useless.”
“The preferred route of return for this individual would be to the Multi-National Force (MNF), British (not US) custody with a view to transferring him to Iraqi custody as a criminal suspect (possibly to face trial) once the appropriate arrangements and assurances have been made. … The Iraqis have already confirmed they would be willing to discuss the matter further. Therefore we hope that any deportation and detention in MoD custody in Iraq would not be indefinite but whilst agreement is sought with the Iraqi authorities. It is a proposal for the interim although we may not be able to agree return to Iraqi custody.”
“return to British custody would obviate most of the difficulties outlined above, but would raise others, specifically (the claimant’s) fate after the MNF mandate expires or he can no longer be held for some other reason. Detaining him in Southern Iraq in British custody would give us a breathing space to make arrangements to cover these aspects which may or may not be acceptable to SIAC …..).”
“In August, MoD advised the Home Office that we would not be able to assist in a similar case involving another Iraqi (the Claimant). Since that time our officials have approached Counsel for further advice on the (Claimant’s) case. … The MoD’s position in August was that while we could assist in removing (the Claimant) to Iraq, UK forces could not participate in his internment in Multi-National Division (South East) (MND (SE)) for a combination of legal or other reason. This remains the position.”
“we are already very late with our evidence to SIAC (it was due on 5th September) and it is difficult to see what we could plausibly tell them now (unless the MoD position were to change); even then there are still many unresolved issues about what will happen to (the Claimant) at the point the UK forces can no longer hold him. It is plain that we will not be ale to resolve those issues in time to serve our evidence for a hearing in January.”
“The Secretary of State was grateful for your brief and remains convinced that while we should offer to assist in air transport … we will not facilitate potential internment … by UK forces. He has repeated this line to the Home Secretary in a brief conversation they had on 1st November.”
“We spoke again in the margins of cabinet on the case of (the Claimant). I have since considered the issue again and my views remain the same as those already outlined … Adam Ingram’s letters to Hazel Blears.”
“to withdraw the decision to deport and release him from immigration detention into police custody to allow the police to interview him.”