“I do not believe that any full record was kept of the numerous people who received the journals, but I would estimate that at least fifty to seventy-five people would have received each of the journals. I know that the recipients of some of the journals included, for example, some politicians, media people, journalists and actors as well as friends of the Prince.”
“The journals were not regarded by the Prince or by anyone in his office as being especially ‘secret’ or as scandalous documents or anything like that. They were not marked ‘secret’ at all. Nor were they treated in the same way as documents which were regarded as secret or highly confidential.”
“Anything particularly sensitive would be handed personally to the Prince. But no such concern was paid to the journals, which were not regarded as secret in this way. There was a very relaxed attitude to their contents.”
“1. It is unacceptable for staff in His Royal Highness's office to feel free to copy private and confidential documents and to pass them either to members of the public or to the press. A private office cannot be run on this basis and behaviour of this kind flies in the fact of the trust and confidence that is necessary in any employment relationship. By publishing this material, you would be condoning this behaviour. 2. The purpose of the journals is to record The Prince of Wales’s personal and private thoughts and observations, and they are clearly confidential. While it is true that some comments are about public matters, they continue to be confidential despite your assertion to the contrary. The journals are certainly not written with a view to the press cherry picking from them items of interest. 3. It will be especially unfortunate, following what is a complete betrayal of trust (if not by Miss Goodall then by another person in a similar position of trust), if The Mail on Sunday associates itself with this betrayal…”
“Through their freshness, directness and popular appeal, these journals place the Prince alongside the very best modern diarists such as former Tory MP Alan Clark. When his recollections are published - as Clarence House says they eventually will be - they will surely sell like hot cakes.”
“The reflections of The Prince of Wales on the handover of Hong Kong, which we have now glimpsed for the first time, reveal a thoughtful, perceptive man, deeply committed to the country whose King he will one day be, and its institutions - especially the Armed Forces. They also show that he has a good sense of proportion, even despite his Eeyore-like conviction that nothing good is ever going to happen to him and his often justified view that modern governments want to steal the privileges of the Crown for themselves. He grasps that, just because monarchy’s flummery is sometimes ridiculous, that does not mean it is redundant. These diaries help to make the case for kingship in general, its continuity, long memory and immunity from political fashion. Here is a man who has for years had a front seat at the great events in our history, even though he has had no control over them. He has met world leaders when they have had their guard down, seen the backstage tussles of diplomacy at first hand, watched our own politicians as they scurry fretfully to and fro on their way up and on their way down. True, he has not had to fight for his position. But, equally importantly, he has not had to sell his soul to hang on to it. By now he has built up a great balance of wisdom, direct knowledge and experience which are evident in his dry, detached commentaries. They suggest that he is thoroughly fitted for the task that he will one day inherit. And when, in the distant future, they come to be published in full, they are likely to offer one of the most remarkable and honest historical documents of our age.”
“1. Everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence. 2. There shall be no interference by a public authority with the exercise of this right except such as is in accordance with the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, public safety or the economic well being of the country, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.”
“1. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers … 2. The exercise of these freedoms, since it carries with it duties and responsibilities, may be subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, territorial integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of rights of others, for preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, or for maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary.”
“The rights guaranteed by these articles are qualified rights. Article 8(1) protects the right to respect for private life, but recognition is given in article 8(2) to the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. Article 10(1) protects the right to freedom of expression, but article 10(2) recognises the need to protect the rights and freedoms of others. The effect of these provisions is that the right to privacy which lies at the heart of an action for breach of confidence has to be balanced against the right of the media to impart information to the public. And the right of the media to impart information to the public has to be balanced in its turn against the respect that must be given to private life.”
“Any interference with the public interest in disclosure has to be balanced against the interference with the right of the individual to respect for their private life. The decisions that are then taken are open to review by the court. The tests which the court must apply are the familiar ones. They are whether publication of the material pursues a legitimate aim and whether the benefits that will be achieved by its publication are proportionate to the harm that may be done by the interference with the right to privacy. The jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights explains how these principles are to be understood and applied in the context of the facts of each case. Any restriction of the right to freedom of expression must be subjected to very close scrutiny. But so too must any restriction of the right to respect for private life. Neither article 8 nor article 10 has any pre-eminence over the other in the conduct of this exercise.”
“The position we have reached is that the exercise of balancing article 8 and article 10 may begin when the person publishing the information knows or ought to know that there is a reasonable expectation that the information in question will be kept confidential.”
“…that the ‘reasonable expectation of privacy’ is a threshold test which brings the balancing exercise into play. It is not the end of the story. Once the information is identified as ‘private’ in this way, the court must balance the claimant’s interest in keeping the information private against the countervailing interest of the recipient in publishing it. Very often, it can be expected that the countervailing rights of the recipient will prevail.”
“They may respectively be interfered with or restricted provided that three conditions are fulfilled. (a) The interference or restriction must be ‘in accordance with the law’; it must have a basis in national law which conforms to the Convention standards of legality. (b) It must pursue one of the legitimate aims set out in each article. Article 8(2) provides for ‘the protection of the rights and freedoms of others’. Article 10(2) provides for ‘the protection of the reputation or rights of others’ and for ‘preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence’. The rights referred to may either be rights protected under the national law or, as in this case, other Convention rights. (c) Above all, the interference or restriction must be ‘necessary in a democratic society’; it must meet a ‘pressing social need’ and be no greater than is proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued; the reasons given for it must be both ‘relevant’ and ‘sufficient ‘ for this purpose.”
“…is much less straightforward when two Convention rights are in play, and the proportionality of interfering with one has to be balanced against the proportionality of restricting the other. As each is a fundamental right, there is evidently a ‘pressing social need’ to protect it.”
“..involves looking first at the comparative importance of the actual rights being claimed in the individual case; then at the justifications for interfering with or restricting each of those rights; and applying the proportionality test to each.”
“First, neither article has as such precedence over the other. Secondly, where the values under the two articles are in conflict, an intense focus on the comparative importance of the specific rights being claimed in the individual case is necessary. Thirdly, the justifications for interfering with or restricting each right must be taken into account. Finally, the proportionality test must be applied to each.”
“Information will be confidential if it is available to one person (or a group of people) and not generally available to others, provided that the person (or group) who possesses the information does not intend that it should become available to others.”
“It is clear that there is a significant shift taking place as between, on the one hand, freedom of expression for the media and of the corresponding interest of the public to receive information, and, on the other hand, the legitimate expectation of citizens to have their private lives protected. As was made clear [in Von Hannover], even where there is a genuine public interest, alongside a commercial interest in the media in publishing articles or photographs, sometimes such interests would have to yield to the individual citizen’s right to the effective protection of private life.”
“(1) Where a work is made by Her Majesty or by an officer or servant of the Crown in the course of his duties … (b) Her Majesty is the first owner of any copyright in the work. … (2) Copyright in such a work is referred it in this Part as “Crown Copyright” …” (b) Her Majesty is the first owner of any copyright in the work. … (2) Copyright in such a work is referred it in this Part as “Crown Copyright” …”
“Fair dealing with a work (other than a photograph) for the purpose of reporting current events does not infringe any copyright in the work provided that … it is accompanied by a sufficient acknowledgment.”
“It is impossible to lay down any hard-and-fast definition of what is fair dealing, for it is a matter of fact, degree and impression. However, by far the most important factor is whether the alleged fair dealing is in fact commercially competing with the proprietor’s exploitation of the copyright work, a substitute for the probable purchase of authorised copies, and the like. If it is, the fair dealing defence will almost certainly fail. If it is not and there is a moderate taking and there are no special adverse factors, the defence is likely to succeed, especially if the defendant’s additional purpose is to right a wrong, to ventilate an honest grievance, to engage in political controversy, and so on. The second most important factor is whether the work has already been published or otherwise exposed to the public. If it has not, and especially if the material has been obtained by a breach of confidence or other mean or underhand dealing, the courts will be reluctant to say this is fair. However this is by no means conclusive, for sometimes it is necessary for the purposes of legitimate public controversy to make use of ‘leaked’ information. The third most important factor is the amount and importance of the work that has been taken. For, although it is permissible to take a substantial part of the work (if not, there could be no question of infringement in the first place), in some circumstances the taking of an excessive amount, or the taking of even a small amount if on a regular basis, would negative fair dealing.”
“In most circumstances, the principle of freedom of expression will be sufficiently protected if there is a right to publish information and ideas set out in another’s literary work, without copying the very words which that person has employed to convey the information or express the ideas. In such circumstances it will normally be necessary in a democratic society that the author of the work should have his property in his own creation protected.”
“There will be occasions when it is in the public interest not merely that information should be published, but that the public should be told the very words used by a person, notwithstanding that the author enjoys copyright in them. On occasions, indeed, it is the form and not the content of a document which is of interest.”
“It appears to us that the minute was deliberately filleted in order to extract colourful passages that were most likely to add flavour to the article and thus to appeal to the readership of the newspaper. Mr Ashdown’s work product was deployed in the way that it was for reasons that were essentially journalistic in furtherance of the commercial interests of the Telegraph Group.”