“(1) Any proprietor or trustee of a . . . building, which has been certified as required by law as a place of religious worship may apply to the superintendent registrar of the registration district in which the building is situated for the building to be registered for the solemnization of marriages therein.”
“(1) Where a marriage is intended to be solemnized on the authority of certificates of a superintendent registrar, the persons to be married may state in the notices of marriage that they wish to be married in the office of the superintendent registrar or one of the superintendent registrars, as the case may be, to whom notice of marriage is given, and where any such notices have been given and the certificates have been issued accordingly, the marriage may be solemnized in the said office, with open doors, in the presence of the superintendent registrar and a registrar of the registration district of that superintendent registrar and in the presence of two witnesses, and the persons to be married shall make the declarations and use the form of words set out in subsection (3) or (3A) of section 44 in the case of marriages in registered buildings in the presence of a registrar. (2) No religious service shall be used at any marriage solemnized in the office of a superintendent registrar.”
“(1) A religious route into marriage where Anglican preliminaries are followed by an Anglican ceremony [Part II of the Act]. (2) A civil route into marriage where civil preliminaries are followed by a civil ceremony either in a register office or on approved premises. [Part III, section 26(1)(b) and (bb)] (3) A mixed route into marriage where civil preliminaries precede one of four types of religious ceremony [also Part III, section 26(1)(a), (c), (d) and (e)]. The ceremony can be: (a) “according to the usages of the Jews” [sub-paragraph (d)]; (b) “according to the usages of the Society of Friends” (Quakers) [sub-paragraph (c)]; or (c) “such form and ceremony” as the parties wish, in a place of religious worship registered for the solemnization of marriage [sub-paragraph (a)]; or (d) “according to the rites of the Church of England” [subparagraph (e)].”
“Many humanists approve of the idea of marriage; many others believe that marriage is not necessarily an essential part of a good relationship. They therefore also approve of cohabitation (unmarried couples living together). …. A couple should not, however, feel forced to get married if it is not something they wish to do. People should be free to make mutually agreeable decisions about how they wish to live their lives without interference or pressure from others. …”
“2. a. … Humanists believe that, in the absence of ultimate meaning and purpose to the universe, it is human beings that create and sustain meaning. At no time is this more evident than in rites of passage. Humanist ceremonies are distinguished by (i) being individually personalised to be meaningful to the couple involved and (ii) containing no acts of religious worship.”
“(1) The Secretary of State must arrange for a review of— (a) whether an order under subsection (4) should be made permitting marriages according to the usages of belief organisations to be solemnized on the authority of certificates of a superintendent registrar, and (b) if so, what provision should be included in the order. (2) The arrangements made by the Secretary of State under subsection (1) must provide for the review to include a full public consultation. (3) The Secretary of State must arrange for a report on the outcome of the review to be produced and published before1 January 2015 . (4) The Secretary of State may by order make provision for and in connection with permitting marriages according to the usages of belief organisations to be solemnized on the authority of certificates of a superintendent registrar. (5) An order under subsection (4) may— (a) amend any England and Wales legislation; (b) make provision for the charging of fees. (6) An order under subsection (4) must provide that no religious service may be used at a marriage which is solemnized in pursuance of the order. (7) In this section “belief organisation” means an organisation whose principal or sole purpose is the advancement of a system of non-religious beliefs which relate to morality or ethics.”
“The law on the solemnization of marriage in England and Wales is governed by theMarriage Act 1949 (the 1949 Act). The 1949 Act provides for religious marriage ceremonies (marriage according to the rites and ceremonies of the Church of England and the Church in Wales; the usages (religious customs) of the Jews and Society of Friends (Quakers); and marriage according to the rites of any other religion in their place of worship that has been registered for the purpose) and civil marriage ceremonies (marriages solemnized in the presence of a superintendent registrar and registrar in a register office or premises approved for the purpose such as a stately home or hotel). In most cases, the place in which a marriage takes place is central to its legal validity. At present, the British Humanist Association (BHA) cannot marry couples in a legally valid humanist ceremony in England and Wales. They currently may carry out ceremonies in line with humanist beliefs but these do not have legal force and if the parties wish to be legally married they must do so in a ceremony which complies with the provisions of the 1949 Act (such as a civil ceremony by a registrar). The BHA is campaigning for the law to be changed to allow humanist celebrants to conduct legally valid marriage ceremonies in England and Wales. Since June 2005, undersection 12 of the Marriage (Scotland) Act 1977 , the Registrar General for Scotland has granted temporary authorisation to certain humanist celebrants to conduct legally recognised marriages.The Marriage and Civil Partnership (Scotland) Act 2014 broadens the “religious” category of marriage to “religious or belief” and so will place humanist and any other belief bodies on the same footing as religious organisations. During the passage of theMarriage (Same Sex Couples) Act 2013 a number of amendments were tabled to allow the British Humanist Association, and potentially any other non-religious belief organisation, to solemnize marriages. In listening to and acknowledging the level of support for and issues raised concerning belief marriages within the Parliamentary debates in both Houses, the Government accepted that the issue should be looked at further.”
“71. Having carefully considered the full range of responses and issues raised through the consultation, and the complex issues associated with any option for change, we have come to the conclusion that to make such changes would not be straightforward and would have implications for marriage solemnization more broadly. 72. It is the Government’s view therefore that in order to make a decision on whether to take forward the specific proposal to permit legally valid marriage ceremonies for those with nonreligious beliefs, it is necessary to carefully consider the legal and technical requirements concerning marriage ceremonies and registration and the range of relevant equality issues. To this end the Government will ask the Law Commission if it will begin as soon as possible a broader review of the law concerning marriage ceremonies. … 75. Marriage is one of our most valued and important institutions which also affects people’s legal rights and status. It is important that we take the time and approach to get this right.”
“1.50 As a result of the work carried out during the scoping phase of the project, we have concluded that there is a clear need for reform. We agree with the Government’s conclusion following its consultation on marriage by non-religious belief organisations that there is no simple solution that would solve the range of problems with the law that we have identified. In particular, … the answer cannot be simply to exercise the order-making power contained insection 14(4) of the Marriage (Same Sex) Couples Act 2013 to enable non-religious belief organisations to solemnize marriages. That is not to say that the law should not be reformed to accommodate marriages by non-religious belief organisations; but any steps to do that need to take place alongside a broader updating of the law of marriage that seeks to address a number of long-standing problems. 1.51 We consider that the problems in the current law can appropriately be addressed by a full Law Commission reform project, which would enable us to consult in detail on options for reform before making recommendations to the Government. The next stage of the work would be a consultation phase, during which we would seek views on specific proposals for reform. We have concluded that the scope of that consultation should be broad. …”
“(1) Certainty and simplicity; (2) Fairness and equality; (3) Protecting the state’s interest; (4) Respecting individuals’ wishes and beliefs; and (5) Removing any unnecessary regulation, so as to increase the choice and lower the cost of wedding venues for couples.”
“(1) … (2) How the law should be reformed to enable marriage ceremonies to take place in a wider range of venues, including outdoor locations, at sea, and on military sites; (3) How the law should be reformed in relation to who can solemnize a marriage and how it could be reformed to enable a wider range of persons to solemnize a marriage. This will include how marriage by humanist and other non-religious belief organisations could be incorporated into a new or revised scheme, and how provision could be made for the use of independent celebrants, but the Law Commission will not make recommendations as to whether the groups who can solemnize marriages should be expanded; (4) What content is either required or prohibited as part of a wedding ceremony; (5) How marriages should be registered, and by whom …”
“1. Everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence. 2. There shall be no interference by a public authority with the exercise of this right except such as is in accordance with the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, public safety or the economic well-being of the country, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.”
“The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in this Convention shall be secured without discrimination on any ground such as sex, race, colour, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with a national minority, property, birth or other status.”
“(1) Do the facts fall within the ambit of one or more of the Convention rights? (2) Was there a difference in treatment in respect of that right between the complainant and others put forward for comparison? (3) If so, was the difference in treatment on one or more of the prescribed grounds under article 14? (4) Were those others in an analogous situation? (5) Was the difference in treatment objectively justifiable in the sense that it had a legitimate aim and bore a reasonable relationship of proportionality to that aim?”
“14. … the approach to be distilled from the Strasbourg jurisprudence is that the more seriously and directly the discriminatory provision or conduct impinges upon the values underlying the particular substantive article, the more readily will it be regarded as within the ambit of that article; and vice versa. In other words, the EC)HR makes in each case what in English law is often called a “value judgment”.”
“13. … a situation in which a substantive Convention right is not violated, but in which a personal interest close to the core of such a right is infringed. This calls, as Lord Nicholls said in M, at para 14, for a value judgment. The court is required to consider, in respect of the Convention right relied on, what value that substantive right exists to protect.”
“61. …The core of a right is ascertained by identifying the values at stake. It means that the Convention is only concerned with disputes about discrimination which are “of moment” and not peripheral issues.”
“It is also well established and common ground that, even where the state is under no obligation to provide a particular measure in order to comply with its obligations under article 8, if it does provide a particular measure which does fall within the ambit of article 8, it must provide the measure without discrimination in compliance with article 14. There are numerous Strasbourg authorities to that effect, in which the positive measure is described as a “modality” of the right conferred by the substantive provision of the Convention. …”
“… where, as here, the claim is that there has been an infringement of article 14, in conjunction with article 8. The claim is capable of falling within article 14 even though there has been no infringement of article 8. If the state has brought into existence a positive measure which, even though not required by article 8, is a modality of the exercise of the rights guaranteed by article 8, the state will be in breach of article 14 if the measure has more than a tenuous connection with the core values protected by article 8 and is discriminatory and not justified. It is not necessary that the measure has any adverse impact on the complainant in a positive modality case other than the fact that the complainant is not entitled to the benefit of the positive measure in question.”
“[41] … the issue in this case is not whether there has been an interference with the freedom to manifest one’s view but rather whether the conduct of a humanist wedding ceremony by a humanist officiant has a sufficiently close and direct nexus with humanist beliefs to be within the ambit of Article 9. It is not concerned with whether the BHA [British Humanist Association] has espoused a particular view about the marriage ceremony as an expression of belief but rather whether the facts of this case demonstrate that the ceremony satisfies the necessary connection. [42] We are inclined to agree with the learned trial judge that such a ceremonial act is a direct expression of the respondent’s humanist beliefs and satisfies the test for manifestation of belief but we are entirely satisfied that the conduct of a humanist wedding ceremony by a humanist wedding officiant for a person holding humanist views is within the ambit of that Article. …”
“Like cases should be treated alike, and different cases treated differently. This is perhaps the most fundamental principle of justice. If defendant A is sentenced to a harsher sentence than equally culpable defendant B that is universally perceived to be unfair. Conversely, if A is sentenced to the same sentence as more culpable defendant B, that is also unfair. The sentences themselves may be harsh or lenient, but that is not the source of this particular injustice or unfairness. It is the unjust differentiation in the first case, and the unjust failure to make a differentiation in the second, which constitutes the unfairness. This is so whatever the reason for making, or failing to make, the differentiation.”
“It is now well-established in a series of cases at this level, beginning with Huang v. SSHD[2007] UKHL 11 ,[2007] 2 AC 167 , and continuing with R (Aguilar Quila) v SSHD (AIRE Centre intervening)[2011] UKSC 45 ,[2012] 1 AC 621 , and Bank Mellat v HM Treasury (No 2)[2013] UKSC 39 ,[2014] AC 700 , that the test for justification is fourfold: (i) does the measure have a legitimate aim sufficient to justify the limitation of a fundamental right; (ii) is the measure rationally connected to that aim; (iii) could a less intrusive measure have been used; and (iv) bearing in mind the severity of the consequences, the importance of the aim and the extent to which the measure will contribute to that aim, has a fair balance been struck between the rights of the individual and the interests of the community.”
“To be legitimate, … the aim must address the perpetration of the unequal treatment ….”
“The Contracting State enjoys a margin of appreciation in assessing whether and to what extent differences in otherwise similar situations justify a different treatment …. The scope of this margin will vary according to the circumstances, the subject-matter and the background. A wide margin is usually allowed to the State under the Convention when it comes to general measures of economic or social strategy. Because of their direct knowledge of their society and its needs, the national authorities are in principle better placed than the international judge to appreciate what is in the public interest on social or economic grounds, and the Court will generally respect the legislature’s policy choice unless it is “manifestly without reasonable foundation” (see Stec and Others v the United Kingdom [GC], no. 65731/01 and 65900/01, §52, ECHR 2006-VI).”
“used as a means of allowing the political branches of the constitution an appropriately generous measure of leeway when assessing the proportionality of measures concerning economic and social policy.”
“140. The manifestly without reasonable foundation criterion, as used domestically, is derived from the Strasbourg court, which, as I have already indicated …, generally shies away from formalism. Properly construed, in my view, the criterion cannot simply apply to some cases where there is an issue of justification in respect of a measure involving an element of social or economic policy separated from other cases by a bright line. No such line can sensibly be drawn: the degree of social and economic policy involved in any measure will be infinitely variable. In my view, the criterion simply recognises that, where there is a substantial degree of economic and/or social policy involved in a measure, the degree of deference to the assessment of the democratically-elected or -accountable body that enacts the measure must be accorded great weight because of the wide margin of judgment they have in such matters. The greater the element of economic and/or social policy involved, the greater the margin of judgment and the greater the deference that should be afforded. That is, for obvious reasons, particularly so when that body is Parliament. However, if the measure involves adverse discriminatory effects, that will reduce the margin of judgment and thus the degree of deference. That will be particularly so where the ground of discrimination concerns a core attribute such as sex or race. That, in my respectful view, explains Baroness Hale's observation in Humphreys …: she could not have meant that, where some element of social or economic policy is concerned, that simply "trumps" any degree of discrimination. 141. If that analysis is right, whether seen in terms of the application of the manifestly without reasonable foundation criterion or simply in terms of the usual balancing exercise inherent in the assessment of proportionality, the result should be the same ….”
“… The respondent does not seek to justify the difference in treatment between same sex and different sex couples. To the contrary, it accepts that that difference cannot be justified. What it seeks is tolerance of the discrimination while it sorts out how to deal with it. That cannot be characterised as a legitimate aim.”
“62. … I can quite understand that if one has a form of discrimination which was historically justified but, with changes in society, has gradually lost its justification, a period of consultation, drafting and debate must be included in the time which the legislature may reasonably consider appropriate for making a change. Up to the point at which that time is exceeded, there is no violation of a Convention right. But there is no suggestion in the report of Walden v Liechtenstein that the discrimination between married couples was ever justified and I find it hard to see why there was no violation of Convention rights as long as the old law remained in place.”
“81. … The margin of judgement which is to be afforded to Parliament in the present context rests upon two foundations. First, there is the relative institutional competence of the courts as compared to Parliament. The court necessarily operates on the basis of relatively limited evidence, which is adduced by the parties in the context of particular litigation. Its focus is narrow and the argument is necessarily sectional. In contrast, Parliament has the means and opportunities to obtain wider information, from much wider sources. It has access to expert bodies, such as the Law Commission, which can advise it on reform of the law. It is able to act upon draft legislation, which is usually produced by the Government and often follows a public consultation exercise, in which many differing views can be advanced by members of the public. Both Government and Members of Parliament can be lobbied by anyone with an interest in the subject in hand. The political process allows legislators to acquire information to inform policy decisions from the widest possible range of opinions. … If there is to be reform of the complicated, inter-linked legislation in this context, it must be for Parliament and not for this Court. 82. The second foundation is that Parliament enjoys a democratic legitimacy in our society which the courts do not. In particular, that legitimises its interventions in areas of difficult or controversial social policy. That is not to say that the courts should abdicate the function required by Parliament itself to protect the rights which are conferred by the HRA. The courts have their proper role to play in the careful scheme of the HRA, as Lord Bingham emphasised in A v Secretary of State for the Home Department, at para. 42. In appropriate cases that can include making a declaration of incompatibility under section 4 in respect of primary legislation where an incompatibility between domestic legislation and Convention rights has been established and the interpretative tool provided by section 3 does not provide a solution. Democratic legitimacy provides another basis for concluding that the courts should be slow to occupy the margin of judgement more appropriately within the preserve of Parliament.”