"(i) researching their HIV medication on an NHS trust website; (ii) confidentially reporting sexual assault on 'the MET online'; and (iii) tracking their menstruation on mobile apps (including contraception use and mood"
"Facebook's ability to use its unrivalled and highly intimate data stores 'to predict future behaviour', targeting individuals on the basis of how they will behave, purchase and think... for example, a Facebook service called 'loyalty prediction' is touted for its ability to… predict in individuals who are 'at risk' of shifting their brand allegiance… [to] trigger advertisers to intervene promptly, targeting aggressive messages to stabilise loyalty."
“… [A]s a result of the abusively unfair bargain, or barter, made by Facebook with UK Users, the Proposed Class Members were not adequately compensated for the economic value of their Off-Facebook Data collected and monetised by Facebook, which resulted from the abusive conduct, and have therefore suffered pecuniary loss...”
“175. In the counterfactual, Users would not have been subject to the unfair trading condition which made the provision of Facebook’s social network services conditional (or, by reason of Facebook’s use of choice architectures and the absence of any effective means of limiting such collection, effectively conditional) on the collection of Off-Facebook Data and/or would not have [been] subject to the unfairly high ‘price’ imposed by virtue of the collection of Off-Facebook Data and/or would not have received an unfairly low zero-price in return for their Off-Facebook Data. 176. In the counterfactual, Users would thus have benefitted from a fair bargain in relation to the collection of their Off-Facebook Data. The value that would have accrued to Users in that fair bargain represents the loss they have suffered by reason of Facebook’s abuse (given that the PCR contends that Users currently receive nothing in return for the collection of their Off-Facebook Data). Accordingly, the same (or substantially the same) counterfactual and methodology for quantifying damages applies whether, as a matter of legal classification, the abuse is articulated as an unfair trading condition or an unfair price. Scott Morton 1 sets out a plausible or credible proposed methodology for establishing that Proposed Class Members have suffered loss and for estimating the loss suffered by the Proposed Class in the form of the value that would have accrued to them pursuant to a fair bargain in the aggregate…”
“Ground 1: as a matter of law, United Brands, together with all other authority, requires an unfair price for the purpose of competition law to be established by reference to the reasonableness of the relationship between the entire economic value of the Facebook service and the entire price paid by Facebook users. Contrary to that legal requirement, the Class Representative ("CR") disregards the economic value provided by Facebook to users. Instead, the CR adopts an erroneously narrow approach whereby she seeks to establish an unfair price by reference to the relationship between increments of the economic value of Facebook that accrued in the period after Off-Facebook Data was collected and increments of the price, namely the Off-Facebook Data. The Tribunal erred by certifying the proceedings on that basis, which is a decision that is wholly unsupported by precedent or principle. Ground 2: there is a complete lacuna in both the pleaded case and the methodology as to the causal link between the Alleged Unfair Trading Condition and alleged compensatory loss, such that the proceedings stand to be struck out. There is a leap from the allegation that the imposition of the ‘take-it or leave-it’ condition is abusive to a hypothetical counterfactual bargain pursuant to which it is said that Facebook would have made a payment to users. Therefore, when the Alleged Unfair Trading Condition is viewed in isolation, the CR has no sustainable cause of action and no blueprint to trial. In the Judgment, the Tribunal sought to address this by certifying the proceedings on the basis that the CR seeks negotiating damages of the kind articulated in Morris-Garner v. One Step (Support) Ltd[2018] UKSC 20 (“Morris-Garner”), which would mean that it would not be necessary for the CR to prove causation and compensatory loss in the way that is usually required in tort claims. However, in the PTA Ruling, the Tribunal changed course and stated that the proceedings had not been certified on the basis of negotiating damages of the kind in Morris-Garner. But the Tribunal did not then go on to address the complete absence of a nexus between the Alleged Unfair Trading Condition and compensatory loss. That issue was simply ignored. In those circumstances, the Tribunal erred in certifying the proceedings: whilst there is no pleaded case and no methodology as to the causal link between (a) the Alleged Unfair Trading Condition, and (b) compensatory loss, the proceedings stand to be struck out.”
“28. In the premises, and whilst aspects of the CR’s position as regards the Alleged Unfair Price are muddled, what is clear is that the CR does not contend – as she is required to do as a matter of law – that there is no reasonable relationship between the entire economic value of the product (i.e., the Facebook service, including its value to users) and the entire alleged ‘price’. That critical issue does not feature in the pleading at all. 29. The CR’s proposed methodology exacerbates this fundamental issue. In particular, the methodology does not propose to ascertain that there is no reasonable relationship between the entire economic value of the product and the entire price. Instead, the methodology proposes to examine the relationship between Off-Facebook Data and the economic value of increments of the Facebook service, with a focus on economic value generated since Off-Facebook Data is alleged to have been collected. In particular, it is said that: “the right approach [under United Brands] is not to look at the aggregate value of Facebook to users, but to assess whether Facebook has struck a fair bargain as it has increased its data extraction over time”; and “[t]o conduct my assessment of whether Facebook creates economic value to users that justifies the price charged to users I consider it useful to decompose the value of Facebook into different components [including] the value users obtained specifically because Facebook was able to collect the Off-Facebook Data, i.e., which users would not have received in the absence of Off-Facebook Tracking”. 30. In adopting that approach, the methodology narrowly and artificially focuses on whether any additional incremental economic value accrued to users in the period since Off-Facebook Data is alleged to have been collected, which necessarily excludes an assessment of the economic value of the Facebook service as a whole. But even more than this: within that already narrow and artificial slice of economic value, the CR’s expert does not propose to take into account all matters that are relevant to economic value having regard to the authorities cited above. For example, the CR’s expert ascribes no value at all to a range of features that Facebook introduced in the period since Off-Facebook Data has been collected and the CR’s expert also states that she will not take into account the value in “the network effect generated for users” in that period.” (Emphasis in the original)
“The United Brands test involves consideration of whether a price set by a dominant undertaking is first excessive and - if excessive - unfair. Generally speaking both excess and unfairness are assessed by considering the overall price charged for a service offered by a dominant undertaking in light of the totality of the service provided. Comparable are extremely important in assessing abuse. Incremental increases of price in respect of an existing service that does not change are not, even presumptively, unlawful. A dominant undertaking is entitled to increase price without improving the quality or quantity of its offering, although of course such matters will not be disregarded when considering whether an abuse does or does not exist.”
“26. The following factors support the preliminary view that, for purposes of United Brands Limb 1, Facebook earned ‘excess’ profits from Off-Facebook Tracking and that the Off-Facebook Data was of significant commercial value: a. The introduction of Apple’s App Tracking Transparency initiative (“ATT”) serves as a useful ‘natural experiment’ to provide evidence that Off-Facebook Tracking significantly increased Facebook’s revenues and profits. ATT was introduced in mid-2021 and resulted in most users not opting in to being tracked. The financial impact of ATT on Facebook – which Facebook itself estimated immediately to be circa$10 billion for the year 2022 – therefore gives a proxy for the profits associated with Off-Facebook Tracking (albeit a conservative one since ATT only applies to iOS users and does not prevent tracking by Facebook on other Meta apps such as Instagram). b. The Report relies on Meta’s public statements as to the financial impact of ATT on Meta globally in 2022 as being$10 billion and, using that figure, conservatively estimates that Off-Facebook Tracking provided Facebook with profits of£2.99bn between 2016-2022. c. Using a “before” and “after” approach which compares average revenues per user pre- and post-2014 (when it is understood that Off-Facebook Tracking commenced or began to be monetised), it is possible to identify a material increase in Facebook’s average revenue per-user and profitability post-2014. Compared to growth in the related (but distinct) industry of search advertising, it is estimated that Facebook’s profits from Off-Facebook Data were£5.05bn between 2016-2022 (this figure is higher than the figure derived from the approach relying on ATT, which (as explained above) is conservative). 27. To apply the second limb of United Brands, the Report identifies the following factors as indicative of unfairness: a. Facebook’s services are offered on the basis of “take-it-or-leave-it” terms and conditions. Moreover, the terms and conditions are (or were) opaque and unclear, and choice architectures made it difficult to change default privacy settings even if this was possible. In particular, the Report notes that: (i) Facebook for many years appeared to offer users no, or no effective, means to opt-out of Off-Facebook Tracking; (ii) Off-Facebook Tracking involves a form of “bundled consent”: if a user does not opt out they are deemed to have consented to Off-Facebook Tracking on all of the affected Meta properties and third party apps and websites; and (iii) the Off-Facebook Activity feature introduced by Meta in 2020 has been very ineffective in practice, since it proceeds on an opt-out basis. b. There are strong grounds to believe that an outcome under effective competition would have involved a more equitable bargain between users and Facebook. Faced with effective competition, it is highly likely that Facebook would have had to either refrain from Off-Facebook Tracking (or give users a transparent option to opt out) or provide some form of compensation to users. In the presence of reasonably effective competition, competition between platforms would strongly focus on users (who are more likely to “single-home” than advertisers). Rival platforms could offer greater privacy protection, reinvest the profits drawn on the advertiser-side to provide an improved user-facing service, and/or provide financial inducements to users. In any of these scenarios, Facebook would have strong incentives to maintain its advertising revenues by providing a value transfer to users (provided the value to Facebook from Off-Facebook Tracking exceeded the costs to users). The same argument can be reframed in a monopsony context; that is, under conditions of effective competition for users, the work those users carry out viewing adverts for Facebook would have resulted in greater compensation in the form of privacy protection, user interface, or financial transfers. The view that Off-Facebook Tracking (without some corresponding value transfer) would not be possible in a competitive environment is supported by the observation that, prior to achieving substantial market power, Facebook attempted to introduce Off-Facebook Data but had to reverse such measures due to user backlash. c. On a preliminary assessment, the great bulk of the value of Off-Facebook Tracking accrued to Facebook rather than to users. The data gathered by Facebook was of very significant commercial value, for the reasons given above. The fact that the vast majority of iOS users refused to consent to being tracked under ATT indicates that users in general dislike being tracked (including through Off-Facebook Tracking) which implies they incurred costs as a result of being forced to subject themselves to such tracking. Moreover, the major consumer-facing features added to the Facebook platform since the monetisation of Off-Facebook Data are not personal social networking functions and generally replicate the features of other platforms, such as TikTok. This again indicates that Facebook captured the majority of the economic value of the Off-Facebook Data for itself rather than sharing it with users by way of improvements to its platform. d. Facebook’s price is unfair when compared to appropriate comparators. The Report considers the following available and appropriate comparators: i. First, since Facebook operated for several years profitably without engaging in Off-Facebook Tracking, in a period in which it faced at least some competition, it is possible to use this period as a “before” comparator to show that Off-Facebook Tracking in the “after” period is unfair. Indeed, during this “before” period, Facebook sought to compete on quality by differentiating itself from rivals in particular by stating that it would not engage in user tracking. ii. Second, while other non-dominant social media platforms may have similar T&Cs to Facebook, they have not been able to strike such similarly skewed bargains or generate comparable profits. The only comparable platforms that gather similar data and are similarly profitable (e.g., Alphabet/Google and its properties such as YouTube) also possess significant market power and may well themselves be dominant in their distinct markets. iii. Third, other two-sided markets such as credit cards, food delivery services and ride sharing, have more competition which typically results in a fairer bargain with users. For example, credit card users frequently receive compensation in the form of bonus points or rewards for using their cards, while ride sharing and food delivery service users are frequently rewarded for their loyalty with discounts. 28. The Report goes on to consider how the “economic value” of Facebook should be accommodated within the unfair pricing assessment given Facebook’s prior position before the Tribunal that the value users derive from Facebook exceeds the costs of Off-Facebook Tracking. 29. The Report sets out the view that the right approach to assess the fairness of the price is not to look at the aggregate value of Facebook to users, but to assess whether Facebook has struck a fair bargain as it has increased its data extraction over time. Great care is needed with an argument that users revealed their preference by ‘accepting’ Off-Facebook Tracking. Given Facebook’s monopoly position in the relevant market, and the ‘must have’ nature of its service (due in particular to network effects), and the fact that users would be immediately cut off should they refuse, users have little choice but to agree to such terms: they are a condition of receiving the service. In this sense Facebook’s argument is similar to a dominant firm saying that its prices are not excessive because their customers were ‘happy’ to pay those prices. 30. Furthermore, as noted above, much of the user-facing functionality pre-dates the introduction of Off-Facebook Tracking (which was not therefore necessary to deliver these benefits). Whilst Facebook may have initially provided distinctive value (aligning with the second type of cases in which a price can rise above costs, as identified by the Tribunal in Hydrocortisone), the consequence of it achieving dominance or a monopolist position means that it has “tipped” into the third type of case in Hydrocortisone, where the personal social network market is unjustifiably incontestable. 31. The Report further observes that, first, based on the material available pre-disclosure, it does not appear that Off-Facebook Tracking can be justified by new services introduced contemporaneously with increased data extraction. Second, on current information, Off-Facebook Data does not appear to be directly used to improve the service to users. Third, Facebook cannot rely on past fixed cost investments to justify the introduction and monetisation of Off-Facebook Tracking as (i) Facebook was already significantly profitable prior to Off-Facebook Tracking, (ii) it could have still been significantly profitable if it had obtained genuine, informed consent for Off-Facebook Tracking from users and/or provided fair monetary compensation to users.”
“The CR considers that she has a strong case on dominance and abuse. For example, in Germany, the Bundeskartellamt found that Facebook had committed an exploitative abuse by the same conduct (i.e. making user access to Facebook’s social media service conditional on Facebook being allowed to collect and store personal and device-related data generated from visiting third-party web pages/apps and from use of other Meta services (e.g. WhatsApp, Instagram, etc), and to connect these data with On-Facebook Data without user consent): CPACF §151. Per this Court in London and South Eastern Railway Ltd v Gutmann [2022] E.C.C. 26 (“Gutmann LSER CA”) §97, there was “nothing especially startling” about that analysis: indeed, the CA observed both that the CAT below had “strongly endorsed” the Bundeskartellamt decision; and that the High Court in Preventx Limited v Royal Mail Group Ltd[2020] EWHC 2276 (Ch) had treated it as “illustrative of the broad range of potentially abusive trading conditions that a dominant undertaking might impose”