“the grant of entry clearance outside the immigration rules to Syrian nationals under the Syrian Vulnerable Persons Relocation scheme for three months. The purpose of the entry clearance outside the immigration rules is to allow Syrian nationals to come to the UK, whereupon their applications for humanitarian protection under the immigration rules will be considered.…”
“The people coming to the UK under the [Scheme] are in desperate need of assistance and many have significant needs. It prioritises those who cannot be supported effectively in their region of origin: women and children at risk, people in severe need of medical care and survivors of torture and violence amongst others.”
“This will still constitute indirect discrimination as it will favour Syrian nationals significantly more than those of other nationalities – and will by definition be limited to those nationalities who were in Syria. Indirect discrimination is lawful provided the action is a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim. Our legitimate aim is to support the refugee crisis triggered by the Syrian conflict. As the Syria crisis continues, civilians continue to bear the brunt of the conflict marked by unparalleled suffering, destruction and disregard for human life.… Under its Syrian resettlement operational plan, UNHCR considers that non-Syrian refugees from Syria who sought asylum in neighbouring countries should not be treated differently to Syrian nationals, as the refugees have fled the same conflict and suffered similarly as a result of the consequence of the violence in Syria. Many of these groups, who have been displaced multiple times, are unable to return in safety and dignity to their home country. Expanding the scope of the scheme is a proportionate way to meet this aim.”
“3.4. The Scheme is run in partnership with the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (the ‘UNHCR’). It demonstrates the UK’s support for the UNHCR’s global effort to relieve the humanitarian crisis through the provision of resettlement opportunities for some of the most vulnerable people into communities within the UK who: 3.4.1. have registered with the UNHCR; and 3.4.2. the UNHCR consider meet one of their resettlement submission categories.”
“(1) A person (A) discriminates against another (B) if A applies to B a provision, criterion or practice which is discriminatory in relation to a relevant protected characteristic of B's. (2) For the purposes of subsection (1), a provision, criterion or practice is discriminatory in relation to a relevant protected characteristic of B's if— (a) A applies, or would apply, it to persons with whom B does not share the characteristic, (b) it puts, or would put, persons with whom B shares the characteristic at a particular disadvantage when compared with persons with whom B does not share it, (c) it puts, or would put, B at that disadvantage, and (d) A cannot show it to be a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim.”
“29 (1) A person (a “service-provider”) concerned with the provision of a service to the public or a section of the public (for payment or not) must not discriminate against a person requiring the service by not providing the person with the service. … (6) A person must not, in the exercise of a public function that is not the provision of a service to the public or a section of the public do anything that constitutes discrimination, harassment or victimisation. … (9) In the application of this section, so far as relating to race or religion or belief, to the granting of entry clearance (within the meaning of theImmigration Act 1971 ), it does not matter whether an act is done within or outside the United Kingdom. (10) Subsection (9) does not affect the application of any other provision of this Act to conduct outside England and Wales or Scotland.”
“(a) eliminate discrimination, harassment, victimisation and any other conduct that is prohibited by or under this Act; (b) advance equality of opportunity between persons who share a relevant protected characteristic and persons who do not share it; (c) foster good relations between persons who share a relevant protected characteristic and persons who do not share it.”
“As far as territorial application is concerned, in relation to Part 5 (work) and following the precedent of theEmployment Rights Act 1996 , the Act leaves it to tribunals to determine whether the law applies, depending for example on the connection between the employment relationship and Great Britain. … In relation to the non-work provisions, the Act is again generally silent on territorial application, leaving it to the courts to determine whether the law applies. However, in a limited number of specific cases, express provision is made for particular provisions of the Act to apply (or potentially apply) outside the United Kingdom.”
“107. I consider that I am bound by the decision in Hottak in the Court of Appeal to hold that the territorial reach of Part 3 is to be decided in accordance with the reasoning of the House of Lords and of the Supreme Court which applies in claims under theEmployment Rights Act 1996 ('the ERA'). Even if I am not bound to do so (Mr Husain submitted that the reasoning about Part 3 was obiter), that reasoning is strongly persuasive. There is no reason in principle or logic why Parliament can possibly be taken to have intended that a Part 3 claim should have a territorial reach which is different from, and wider than, that of a Part 5 claim. Where the claimant is not a British citizen, does not live or work here, and has no other link at all with the United Kingdom, other than a wish to benefit from a policy of the Secretary of State, the very exceptional connection with the United Kingdom which is required is absent.”
“123…. help vulnerable refugees in Syria as candidates for resettlement in the United Kingdom as quickly and effectively as possible. The partnership with UNHCR, the body which is to assess and chose the candidates in the region, is essential to that purpose. UNHCR has been chosen because of the Government's long relationship with it, because it is present in the relevant regions and because it has the necessary expertise. Mr Husain accepted that UNHCR was a good choice. It was clear, right from the start, that UNHCR was integral to the aims and operation of the Scheme; it is mentioned in each of the three principles on which, when the Scheme was announced, the Scheme was said to be based. The use of UNHCR is closely and rationally connected to the achievement of the Scheme's purpose. 124. Nor do I accept that other less intrusive means were available. It is suggested that NGOs could be used, or that PRS could refer themselves to the Home Office or to British embassies in the region. None of these methods could have achieved the security, reliability, speed, and consistency which flow from using UNHCR as a gatekeeper. There was little, if any, evidence, that any specific NGO had the necessary capacity. 125. I accept Mr Hall's submissions on justification. The severity of the impact of the PCP on the Claimants is mitigated, to some extent, by the very thing which means that in practice they have such limited access to the Scheme. That is, that they are within the scope of UNRWA's mandate. As Mr Husain submitted, the PRS are part of a larger, unique group. The UN has only two refugee organisations; UNHCR and UNRWA. UNRWA's mandate, and its material help, are solely focused on refugees from Palestine. Unlike other people displaced by the Syrian conflict, PRS already have their own relief organisation; and for historical reasons over which the Secretary of State has no control, UNRWA's mandate excludes resettlement and UNHCR's mandate excludes those who are subject to UNRWA's mandate. The fact that UNRWA's resources, and its capacity to help PRS are limited, is nothing to the point. I note, nevertheless, that when UNRWA assessed the Claimants, it concluded that the difficulties faced by the Claimants were common to many PRS (see paragraph 62, above). 126. I take into account that the Secretary of State put forward no justification in July 2017 for the disparate impact of the PCP on PRS. I also take into account that PRS are in practice wholly excluded from the Scheme, or very nearly so. But PRS are not the only vulnerable refugees in the region. It cannot be assumed that they are in fact the most vulnerable, contrary to Mr Husain's submissions. It is impossible to make a judgment about the comparative vulnerability of groups of people, or of individuals, from the comfort of a London court room. On the figures in the Secretary of State's skeleton argument, more than ten times more Syrian people were displaced from Syria by the Syrian conflict than were Palestinians. There are millions of refugees. I consider that, given the aim of the Scheme, to which UNHCR was integral (see above), and given the fact that UNRWA is responsible for PRS, the impact of the PCP on the Claimants was proportionate. Proportionality is for the court, but the design of a scheme such as this is not.”
“132. In that situation, in my judgment, the Secretary of State has not had due regard to the equality need listed in section 149(1)(b). The question is not whether the Scheme in its current form is justified. The questions, rather, are whether it ever occurred to the Secretary of State that the widening of the Scheme, as respects PRS, was theoretical rather than real, and whether it crossed his mind that he should consider whether or not to widen the equality of opportunity for PRS by changing the Scheme so as to enable another gatekeeper to refer their cases to him, and whether he faced up to the fact that if he did widen the Scheme in the way which he did, PRS would be excluded, or virtually excluded from it.”
“69. … Section 28 provides that Part 3 of the 2010 Act does not apply to discrimination that is prohibited by Part 5. That means that a work-related discrimination claim can be brought only under Part 5 and not under Part 3. If (as I would hold) the claimants are not entitled to invoke Part 5 in pursuit of their work-related discrimination claim (because Parliament did not intend Part 5 to extend to their employment in Afghanistan) then, in agreement with the Divisional Court, I would regard it as surprising if Parliament must nevertheless have imputed to it an intention that the claimants can instead invoke the provisions of Part 3. Quite apart from the point that Burnett LJ made in [49] as to many of the schedule 9 exceptions (relating to Part 5) having no counterpart in the schedule 3 exceptions (relating to Part 3), my intuitive sense as to Parliament's presumed intention is that (a) if a work-related discrimination claim can be brought, it can only be brought under Part 5; and (b) if, for jurisdictional reasons, a work-related discrimination claim cannot be brought under Part 5, it cannot be brought at all. But if that is to put the matter too broadly, I would anyway accept Mr Swift's submission that section 29(6) should not be interpreted as extending to claims other than in respect of the exercise of public functions in Great Britain. I would not accept that there is any warrant for imputing to Parliament an intention to extend it to claims based on the extra-territorial effect of exercise of public functions.”
“6. ... In principle, however, the question is always one of … construction …. As Lord Wilberforce said in Clark v Oceanic Contractors Inc[1983] 2 AC 130 , 152, it ‘requires an inquiry to be made as to the person with respect to whom Parliament is presumed, in the particular case, to be legislating. Who, it is to be asked, is within the legislative grasp or intendment, of the statute under consideration’.”
“122(ii) … A comparison is inherent in the Scheme, which is designed to help the neediest and most vulnerable displaced people, from a large cohort of people all of whom are needy and vulnerable. The comparison requires a close understanding of the position of applicants and of those in a similar position. A consistent approach is desirable, which can be achieved if the same entity choses the applicants. UNHCR has the staff in the relevant regions to do this. It was untenable to suggest that the United Kingdom Government should send officials out to the Middle East to do this. UNHCR's extensive capacity on the ground also made it untenable to suggest that the Home Office should do the necessary checks and assessments from the United Kingdom. UNHCR exists, and is present; it could administer the Scheme immediately.”
“3. The Government does not accept direct applications for resettlement under the VPRS but relies upon identification of suitable cases by the UNHCR in accordance with established criteria. 4. The United Kingdom has a well-established relationship with the UNHCR in identifying those living in formal refugee camps, informal settlements and host communities who would benefit most from resettlement to the United Kingdom. The nature of the work that the UNHCR is able to undertake in relation to the VPRS is set out in a briefing paper dated7 March 2016 …. 5. The UNHCR is better able to carry out this work in identifying suitable cases for possible resettlement under the VPRS. The UNHCR has a very large number of locally engaged and international staff throughout the regions where it operates and is able to engage with a very large number of individuals, in a way that is simply not open to United Kingdom officials. The UNHCR deploys its operational expertise not only in support of United Kingdom resettlement schemes but also those of other resettlement states. 6. For this reason the Government does not accept direct applications for resettlement.”
“113. I respectfully disagree with the reasoning of the Divisional Court in Hottak and Hoareau about the territorial reach of section 149. Section 29 of the 2010 Act adopts, if anything, a more powerfully 'functional' approach than that which applies to section 149. Section 29(6) applies to any person when he exercises a public function, while section 149 applies only to those public authorities which are listed in Schedule 19 to the 2010 Act. Section 149 applies to some listed authorities when they exercise all of their functions (section 150(3)), unless they are bodies in respect of which only certain functions are specified in Schedule 19 (section 150(4)). 114. Even if I am wrong about that, and both provisions apply a functional approach (whatever that means), that tells us nothing about Parliament's intention in relation to territoriality. The functions to which a provision applies and its intended territorial reach are conceptually distinct. All the reasons which suggest that Parliament did not intend Part 3 to have other than very exceptional extra-territorial effect apply with as much force to section 149. The approach of the Divisional Court means that even though a public authority cannot breach the substantive provisions of the 2010 Act in the exercise of a particular public function which has only extra-territorial effects, it is nonetheless required, when exercising it, to have due regard to the listed equality needs as respects people who are outside the jurisdiction and whose equality of opportunity, and whose good relations with others, it will, necessarily, have a limited, if any, scope, to influence. A legislative scheme with that effect is incoherent. 115. In R v Manchester Coroner ex p Tal[1985] QB 67 the Divisional Court held, at pages 79E-81D that, on an application for judicial review, a Divisional Court is free to depart from an earlier decision of a Divisional Court, but that it will only do so 'in rare cases.' The Divisional Court added '…we find it difficult to imagine that a single judge exercising this jurisdiction would ever depart from a decision of a divisional court.' If the question of such a departure should arise, it should be listed before a Divisional Court. In the circumstances of this case, therefore, I must follow the approach of the Divisional Court in Hottak and Hoareau and hold that section 149 has extra-territorial effect.”