"That leaves the First Appellant's activities with the ICPPG. He says that he has given evidence to the ICPPG, which has been confirmed by the ICPPG (AB1-65). The ICPPG says that its primary objective is to collect evidence against perpetrators of genocide and that it is working with international prosecutors with a view to bringing criminal and civil prosecutions against the Sri Lankan Government and military officials. My attention was not drawn to any evidence that any such prosecutions or proceedings are pending or expected to be announced imminently. At this juncture, it is premature to equate those who have provided evidence to the ICPPG to those who gave evidence to the lessons learned and Reconciliation Commission. If any such prosecution or proceedings are launched, it is far from clear that the first appellant's testimony will be used or otherwise made available in the course of such prosecution or proceedings. The ICPPG says that the First Appellant has provided written evidence but the first appellant did not produce a copy of this evidence. This means that I am unable to form any view about his written evidence, including about whether he has said anything about himself or about anyone else that would make him of adverse interest to the Sri Lankan Government if his evidence has reached them through one of its informers. On the evidence before me I can only see his concerns about this as being speculative. I do not therefore accept that it is reasonably likely that he is of adverse interest to the Sri Lankan government because of anything he has done thus far for the ICPPG."
"The complaint in relation to this risk category is it is too narrow. The ground of appeal is advanced on behalf of the appellants and it is also vigorously supported by submissions made on behalf of the Intervener, Tamils against Genocide (TAG), represented by Ms Shivani Jegarajah and Ms Parosha Chandran. Their submissions essentially seek to extend the need for the protection to, (1) individuals who did not give evidence to the LLRC, but wish to give evidence to any future enquiry or investigation and (2) individuals who may never give such evidence but who may wish to speak out about egregious conduct witnessed by them - whether for therapeutic, political or other personal reasons. As to the second group, it is submitted that their protection needs are comparable to those of homosexuals who might be returned to Iran (see HJ (Iran) v Secretary of State for the Home Department[2010] UKSC 31 ) or citizens of Zimbabwe who might feel obliged to simulate support for ZANU/PF on return (RT (Zimbabwe) v Secretary of State for the Home Department[2012] UKSC 38 At the moment, the evidence about these circumstances is understandably vague and speculative. It may well be that, if international pressure were to lead to the establishment of a different form of enquiry, the position would call for further consideration in a case in which appellants could give an adduce evidence about specific difficulties. However, we are not in that position, (although Ms Jagarajah was able to point to current developments at the United Nations and elsewhere which could give rise to such developments). Nor is the evidence of the second putative group in concrete form. It rests on a passage in the report of Dr Smith which, on analysis, seems to relate to those who have provided evidence of war crimes. At this stage, there is no evidence of an evidence-receiving body beyond the LLRC in relation to which protection is established."