"owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country....."
"No Contracting State shall expel or return ('refouler') a refugee in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion."
"180B. A person will be granted asylum in the United Kingdom if the Secretary of State is satisfied: a.he is in the United Kingdom.....; and b.he is a refugee, as defined by the Convention and Protocol; and c.refusing his application would result in his being required to go, (whether immediately or after the time limited by an existing leave to enter or remain) in breach of the Convention and Protocol, to a country in which his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion. (Although not strictly relevant to the present appeals,it may be noted that the introduction of sub-paragraph (C) into the rule alters the previous position as established by R v Secretary of State for the Home Department ex parte Sivakumaran(1988) 1 AC 958 per Lord Goff at 1001: it is now necessary for the claimant to satisfy the Secretary of State both that he is a refugee and that his return would threaten his life or freedom and not merely some lesser human right.) "180I. If there is part of the country from which the applicant claims to be a refugee in which he would not have a well-founded fear of persecution, and to which it would be reasonable to expect him to go, the application may be refused."
"I accept that young Tamils are, from time to time, picked up by the Authorities in Colombo, on suspicion when the Authorities are carrying on investigations, in the course of their duties in the combatting of disturbances, and for the public good in the country, but....in particular where there was no reason, other than the investigation of young Tamils by the police, I find that I cannot accept that he had any genuine fear of being harassed or persecuted for a 'Convention reason', while he remained in Colombo....."
"......because the root of the disturbances in Sri Lanka was Tamil-inspired, the police would necessarily be focusing on male Tamils, that what was happening has to be put into context, and.....that, in assessing 'oppression' account must be taken of the background to the action; and while, clearly some acts would not be permissible whatever the circumstances, in the case of a country torn apart by internal strife, the actions of the government and Authorities cannot be construed other than in the context of that strife; and, in addition......while account must be taken of the international covenant on human rights, attention must also be given to the need for investigative action to combat internal disturbance and to act for the public good within the country as a whole, particularly where the disturbances have their bases in disputes between ethnic groups, it may well, on occasion, be impossible to separate the categorisation of those arrested, on the basis of possible participation in the disturbances, from the membership of such a group."
"I now turn to the position of Tamils in the south and in the area of Colombo and its environs. .......There are some 300,000 Tamils in Colombo and Greater Colombo, and many others who live outside the conflict zone to the north and east, who meet with no harassment. It is clear to me from the documentary evidence available that the Sri Lankan Army and authorities are clearly in control of this region. It is also clear from a record of assassinations, explosions and other acts of terrorism that have taken place in Colombo that not inconsiderable numbers of LTTE members have infiltrated into the region and Mr. Varadakumar [Director of the Tamil Information Centre] .....confirm that this is so and that they are sheltered and assisted by Tamils already resident there, usually on a voluntary basis. It is alleged ....that although this may be the position, the mass round-ups and detentions of Tamils that take place in the Colombo region are unwarranted and amount to harassment. I do not find myself in sympathy with this view. The conduct of the LTTE in the north and east leads me to the conclusion that its activities serve only to create anarchy, disorder and civil strife, and the anxiety of the Sri Lankan government to prevent that situation spreading to the south is perfectly understandable. The more so when one considers that the LTTE has succeeded in assassinating the President, and other prominent members in public life, as well as ordinary innocent citizens, Sinhalese as well as Tamil. The infiltration of the LTTE and the assistance which they receive from some members of the Tamil community is accepted by the appellant's representative. In the circumstances I consider that the action of the government in periodically rounding-up Tamils, especially at a time of crisis such as that of an assassination, or a bomb exploding is justified. There is no evidence that the majority of those rounded up are not released after a reasonable period of time, and indeed this is confirmed by the UNHCR Working Group. I therefore do not accept the contention that the action of the authorities towards the Tamil population in this area amounts to harassment."
"Where following intelligence information that Tamils linked with the Tamil Tigers have infiltrated into the surroundings of Colombo, or there has been some violent outrage within the city, Tamils are arrested in large numbers for questioning: such arrests are not arbitrary. They are not capricious: they are based on the nature of things, that is to say, the reasonable possibility, in intelligence terms, that among those arrested there may be individuals responsible for, or planning, anti-government activities. The arrests are in fact of possible suspects. The Amnesty International report of February 1994 .....states: 'Tamil people are particularly at risk of being arrested if they are young men, if they have recently arrived in Colombo, if they do not have a job or family in Colombo, if their identity documents were issued in the north east, or if they are not carrying identity documents. People who do not have a national identity card, such as some from Jaffna who have lost their card and have been unable to obtain a replacement, or some from the tea estate areas of the hill country who have not been issued with a card, are particularly vulnerable to arrest.'" "
"The Secretary of State fully accepts that prior to 1991 the position in Sri Lanka was unacceptable and that the government had itself used considerable force when faced by a brutal campaign of violence from Tamil extremists. However, the government has since 1991 taken considerable steps to improve the human rights situation; and there is now a degree of security in Colombo and the south.") The IAT then continued: ".....it is clear to us that the situation with regard to the treatment of Tamils in and around Colombo had improved significantly by the date of the Secretary of State's decision from what it had been earlier. That amelioration is a continuing process. .......we conclude that circumstances have improved, and that those Tamils who are called for questioning after security alerts, will now have greater protection against excesses by the security forces and the police than they were hitherto accorded"
"Our conclusion is that those Tamils who are rounded-up in security checks and operations in and around Colombo are now not likely to be subject to such ill-treatment as to give rise to a well-founded fear of persecution. The excesses of the past have become too well known for the authorities to ignore international pressures, and we find no evidence to suggest that there is other than a strong likelihood that circumstances will continue to improve."
"The Secretary of State also noted that, from information at his disposal, he was aware that widespread human rights abuses, which had taken place in recent years, had sharply declined and that the Sri Lankan government had taken measures to protect the human rights of all its citizens as a result of pressure from bodies such as Amnesty International and Donor Governments. He also noted that the Human Rights Force had been set up, and international bodies such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, the United Nations Working Group, Donor governments and Amnesty International, had all been allowed to visit Sri Lanka and had worked to introduce a new sense of discipline and accountability in the police and armed forces. The Secretary of State also noted that the Sri Lankan government had publicly accepted their responsibility for investigating alleged violations of human rights by the Security Forces and prosecuting offenders, and that the Ministry of Defence had issued clear directives to Security Forces for the strict observance of, and respect for, human rights." (i) The case with regard to the round-ups The appellants' arguments Mr. Macdonald's essential argument is that the appellate authorities have mis-directed themselves in law in regarding these mass arrests of Tamils as justifiable rather than as arbitrary, unlawful and amounting to persecution for a Convention reason - i.e. for being a Tamil. They are, he submits, in breach both of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (the 1966 Covenant) to which Sri Lanka is a party, and of Sri Lankan domestic law. Those are, he argues, important considerations in determining the ultimate question which has to be addressed here: whether the risk of such arrests and detentions gives rise to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for being a Tamil. As to what precisely is meant by "persecution" in the 1951 Convention, Mr. Macdonald invites our attention first, to the UNHCR Handbook on Procedures and Criteria for Determining Refugee Status (1979); second, to the single English authority which attempts any definition of the term - Nolan, J.'s first instance decision in R v IAT ex parte Jonah (1985) ImmAR 7; and third, to Professor Hathaway's 1991 Canadian publication, The Law of Refugee Status. It is convenient to start with the 1966 Covenant and Sri Lanka's own law. The relevant Articles of the 1966 Covenant are these: "9(1) Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. No one shall be deprived of his liberty except on such grounds and in accordance with such procedures as are established by law. 4(1) In time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation and the existence of which is officially proclaimed, the State Parties to the present Covenant may take measures derogating from their obligations under the present Covenant to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that such measures are not inconsistent with their other obligations under international law and do not involve discrimination solely on the grounds of race, colour, sex, language, religion or social origin. 4(3) Any State Party to the present covenant availing itself of the right of derogation shall immediately inform the other States Parties to the present Covenant, through the intermediary of the Secretary-General of the United Nations of the provisions from which it has derogated and of the reasons by which it was actuated."
"51. There is no universally accepted definition of 'persecution', and various attempts to formulate such a definition have met with little success. From Article 33 of the 1951 Convention it may be inferred that a threat to life or freedom on account of race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership of a particular social group is always persecution. Other serious violations of human rights - for the same reasons [i.e. for a Convention reason] - would also constitute persecution."
"To pursue with malignancy or injurious action; especially to oppress for holding a heretical opinion or belief."
"In sum, persecution is most appropriately defined as the sustained or systemic failure of state protection in relation to one of the core entitlements which has been recognised by the international community. The types of harm to be protected against include the breach of any right within the first category, a discriminatory or non-emergency abrogation of a right within the second category, or a failure to implement a right within the third category which is either discriminatory or not grounded in the absolute lack of resources."
"....the real risk of a human rights violation of the second category - arbitrary arrest or detention, denial of freedom of movement, opinion, association, or privacy for example - is usually to be equated with persecution. The only exception is short-term, emergency derogation of a non-discriminatory nature from a second category right, which under international law is insufficient to establish the absence of state protection."
"Grahl-Madsen, for example, draws an arbitrary standard for determining when emergency detention is of sufficient duration to amount to persecution: 'When it comes to threats to freedom, it is hoped that my old conclusion still holds good: that imprisonment or detention for a period of three months or more constitutes persecution.'"
"While the appellant had twice been arrested in Colombo in 1989 by the police and subjected to beating and detention, the panel [the refugee panel from whom the appeal lay] held that these arrests were part of the Sri Lankan government's "perfectly legitimate investigations into criminal and/or terrorist activities" by Tamil organisations. In my view, beatings of suspects can never be considered "perfectly legitimate investigations", however dangerous the suspects are thought to be." "
"It is well known that for a considerable time Sri Lanka, or at least certain parts of that country, have been in a serious state of civil disorder, amounting at times to civil war. The authorities have taken steps to suppress the disorders and to locate and detain those responsible for them. These steps, together with the activities of the subversives, have naturally resulted in painful and distressing experiences for many persons innocently caught up in the troubles. As the troubles have occurred principally in areas inhabited by Tamils, these are the people who have suffered most. The Secretary of State has in his decision letters expressed the view that Army activities aimed at discovering and dealing with Tamil extremists do not constitute evidence of persecution of Tamils as such. This was not disputed by counsel for any of the applicants, nor was it seriously maintained that any sub-group of Tamils such as young males in the north of the country, were being subjected to persecution for any Convention reason."
".....there are cases in the books in which courts have held, not least in the context of the immigration rules related to primary purpose and marriage cases, that the task of the appellate authorities is to look at the situation at the time of the Secretary State's decision. Whatever may be the position in relation to primary purpose cases, I simply cannot believe that in these acutely important asylum cases the adjudicator is solemnly to ask himself a question not about the present but about the past; that he is to conduct a judicial exercise which is historic only. The whole purpose of the grant of special rights of appeal under theAsylum and Immigration Appeals Act 1993 , to persons whose asylum applications have been turned down, is to secure protection for those who might in truth, turn out to be true refugees. I cannot believe that the appellate authorities should do anything but ascertain, when a case comes before them, whether the appellant with whom they are dealing is then and there a person with a well-founded fear of persecution."
"8(1) A person who is refused leave to enter the United Kingdom under the 1971 Act may appeal against the refusal to a special adjudicator on the ground that his removal in consequence of the refusal would be contrary to the United Kingdom's obligations under the Convention"
" 19(1)........an adjudicator on an appeal to him under this Part of this Act - (a) shall allow the appeal if he considers - (i) that the decision or action against which the appeal is brought was not in accordance with the law or with any immigration rules applicable to the case; or (ii) where the decision or action involved the exercise of a discretion by the Secretary of State or an officer, that the discretion should have been exercised differently; and (b) in any other case, shall dismiss the appeal. (2) For the purposes of subsection (1)(a) above the adjudicator may review any determination of a question of fact on which the decision or action was based....."
".....it is, as it seems to me, necessary to look at that appellate structure in order to ask oneself the question whether that appellate structure has to be regarded as an extension of the original administrative decision-making function or whether it is to be regarded as simply a process for enabling that decision to be reviewed. It seems to me it falls into the latter category rather than into the former category."
"(5) He (the refugee) can no longer, because the circumstances in connection with which he has been recognised as a refugee have ceased to exist, continue to avail himself of the protection of the country of his nationality."
"......were the submissions of counsel for the appellant to be accepted as correct [i.e. were the appellant authorities obliged to look at new developments] it would mean a never-ending system of appeal, each court up the line being obliged to review the facts in the light of events as they stood, not at the time of the original decision but as they stood at each stage of the appellate system, and the system would become even more unmanageable than some people believe it to be at present."
"owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country....."
"No Contracting State shall expel or return ('refouler') a refugee in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion."
"180B. A person will be granted asylum in the United Kingdom if the Secretary of State is satisfied: a.he is in the United Kingdom.....; and b.he is a refugee, as defined by the Convention and Protocol; and c.refusing his application would result in his being required to go, (whether immediately or after the time limited by an existing leave to enter or remain) in breach of the Convention and Protocol, to a country in which his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion. (Although not strictly relevant to the present appeals,it may be noted that the introduction of sub-paragraph (C) into the rule alters the previous position as established by R v Secretary of State for the Home Department ex parte Sivakumaran(1988) 1 AC 958 per Lord Goff at 1001: it is now necessary for the claimant to satisfy the Secretary of State both that he is a refugee and that his return would threaten his life or freedom and not merely some lesser human right.) "180I. If there is part of the country from which the applicant claims to be a refugee in which he would not have a well-founded fear of persecution, and to which it would be reasonable to expect him to go, the application may be refused."
"......because the root of the disturbances in Sri Lanka was Tamil-inspired, the police would necessarily be focusing on male Tamils, that what was happening has to be put into context, and.....that, in assessing 'oppression' account must be taken of the background to the action; and while, clearly some acts would not be permissible whatever the circumstances, in the case of a country torn apart by internal strife, the actions of the government and Authorities cannot be construed other than in the context of that strife; and, in addition......while account must be taken of the international covenant on human rights, attention must also be given to the need for investigative action to combat internal disturbance and to act for the public good within the country as a whole, particularly where the disturbances have their bases in disputes between ethnic groups, it may well, on occasion, be impossible to separate the categorisation of those arrested, on the basis of possible participation in the disturbances, from the membership of such a group."
"I now turn to the position of Tamils in the south and in the area of Colombo and its environs. .......There are some 300,000 Tamils in Colombo and Greater Colombo, and many others who live outside the conflict zone to the north and east, who meet with no harassment. It is clear to me from the documentary evidence available that the Sri Lankan Army and authorities are clearly in control of this region. It is also clear from a record of assassinations, explosions and other acts of terrorism that have taken place in Colombo that not inconsiderable numbers of LTTE members have infiltrated into the region and Mr. Varadakumar [Director of the Tamil Information Centre] .....confirm that this is so and that they are sheltered and assisted by Tamils already resident there, usually on a voluntary basis. It is alleged ....that although this may be the position, the mass round-ups and detentions of Tamils that take place in the Colombo region are unwarranted and amount to harassment. I do not find myself in sympathy with this view. The conduct of the LTTE in the north and east leads me to the conclusion that its activities serve only to create anarchy, disorder and civil strife, and the anxiety of the Sri Lankan government to prevent that situation spreading to the south is perfectly understandable. The more so when one considers that the LTTE has succeeded in assassinating the President, and other prominent members in public life, as well as ordinary innocent citizens, Sinhalese as well as Tamil. The infiltration of the LTTE and the assistance which they receive from some members of the Tamil community is accepted by the appellant's representative. In the circumstances I consider that the action of the government in periodically rounding-up Tamils, especially at a time of crisis such as that of an assassination, or a bomb exploding is justified. There is no evidence that the majority of those rounded up are not released after a reasonable period of time, and indeed this is confirmed by the UNHCR Working Group. I therefore do not accept the contention that the action of the authorities towards the Tamil population in this area amounts to harassment."
"Where following intelligence information that Tamils linked with the Tamil Tigers have infiltrated into the surroundings of Colombo, or there has been some violent outrage within the city, Tamils are arrested in large numbers for questioning: such arrests are not arbitrary. They are not capricious: they are based on the nature of things, that is to say, the reasonable possibility, in intelligence terms, that among those arrested there may be individuals responsible for, or planning, anti-government activities. The arrests are in fact of possible suspects. The Amnesty International report of February 1994 .....states: 'Tamil people are particularly at risk of being arrested if they are young men, if they have recently arrived in Colombo, if they do not have a job or family in Colombo, if their identity documents were issued in the north east, or if they are not carrying identity documents. People who do not have a national identity card, such as some from Jaffna who have lost their card and have been unable to obtain a replacement, or some from the tea estate areas of the hill country who have not been issued with a card, are particularly vulnerable to arrest.'" "
"Our conclusion is that those Tamils who are rounded-up in security checks and operations in and around Colombo are now not likely to be subject to such ill-treatment as to give rise to a well-founded fear of persecution. The excesses of the past have become too well known for the authorities to ignore international pressures, and we find no evidence to suggest that there is other than a strong likelihood that circumstances will continue to improve."
"9(1) Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. No one shall be deprived of his liberty except on such grounds and in accordance with such procedures as are established by law. 4(1) In time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation and the existence of which is officially proclaimed, the State Parties to the present Covenant may take measures derogating from their obligations under the present Covenant to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that such measures are not inconsistent with their other obligations under international law and do not involve discrimination solely on the grounds of race, colour, sex, language, religion or social origin. 4(3) Any State Party to the present covenant availing itself of the right of derogation shall immediately inform the other States Parties to the present Covenant, through the intermediary of the Secretary-General of the United Nations of the provisions from which it has derogated and of the reasons by which it was actuated."
"51. There is no universally accepted definition of 'persecution', and various attempts to formulate such a definition have met with little success. From Article 33 of the 1951 Convention it may be inferred that a threat to life or freedom on account of race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership of a particular social group is always persecution. Other serious violations of human rights - for the same reasons [i.e. for a Convention reason] - would also constitute persecution."
"To pursue with malignancy or injurious action; especially to oppress for holding a heretical opinion or belief."
"In sum, persecution is most appropriately defined as the sustained or systemic failure of state protection in relation to one of the core entitlements which has been recognised by the international community. The types of harm to be protected against include the breach of any right within the first category, a discriminatory or non-emergency abrogation of a right within the second category, or a failure to implement a right within the third category which is either discriminatory or not grounded in the absolute lack of resources."
"....the real risk of a human rights violation of the second category - arbitrary arrest or detention, denial of freedom of movement, opinion, association, or privacy for example - is usually to be equated with persecution. The only exception is short-term, emergency derogation of a non-discriminatory nature from a second category right, which under international law is insufficient to establish the absence of state protection."
"Grahl-Madsen, for example, draws an arbitrary standard for determining when emergency detention is of sufficient duration to amount to persecution: 'When it comes to threats to freedom, it is hoped that my old conclusion still holds good: that imprisonment or detention for a period of three months or more constitutes persecution.'"
"While the appellant had twice been arrested in Colombo in 1989 by the police and subjected to beating and detention, the panel [the refugee panel from whom the appeal lay] held that these arrests were part of the Sri Lankan government's "perfectly legitimate investigations into criminal and/or terrorist activities" by Tamil organisations. In my view, beatings of suspects can never be considered "perfectly legitimate investigations", however dangerous the suspects are thought to be." "
"It is well known that for a considerable time Sri Lanka, or at least certain parts of that country, have been in a serious state of civil disorder, amounting at times to civil war. The authorities have taken steps to suppress the disorders and to locate and detain those responsible for them. These steps, together with the activities of the subversives, have naturally resulted in painful and distressing experiences for many persons innocently caught up in the troubles. As the troubles have occurred principally in areas inhabited by Tamils, these are the people who have suffered most. The Secretary of State has in his decision letters expressed the view that Army activities aimed at discovering and dealing with Tamil extremists do not constitute evidence of persecution of Tamils as such. This was not disputed by counsel for any of the applicants, nor was it seriously maintained that any sub-group of Tamils such as young males in the north of the country, were being subjected to persecution for any Convention reason."
".....there are cases in the books in which courts have held, not least in the context of the immigration rules related to primary purpose and marriage cases, that the task of the appellate authorities is to look at the situation at the time of the Secretary State's decision. Whatever may be the position in relation to primary purpose cases, I simply cannot believe that in these acutely important asylum cases the adjudicator is solemnly to ask himself a question not about the present but about the past; that he is to conduct a judicial exercise which is historic only. The whole purpose of the grant of special rights of appeal under theAsylum and Immigration Appeals Act 1993 , to persons whose asylum applications have been turned down, is to secure protection for those who might in truth, turn out to be true refugees. I cannot believe that the appellate authorities should do anything but ascertain, when a case comes before them, whether the appellant with whom they are dealing is then and there a person with a well-founded fear of persecution."
".....it is, as it seems to me, necessary to look at that appellate structure in order to ask oneself the question whether that appellate structure has to be regarded as an extension of the original administrative decision-making function or whether it is to be regarded as simply a process for enabling that decision to be reviewed. It seems to me it falls into the latter category rather than into the former category."
"(5) He (the refugee) can no longer, because the circumstances in connection with which he has been recognised as a refugee have ceased to exist, continue to avail himself of the protection of the country of his nationality."
"......were the submissions of counsel for the appellant to be accepted as correct [i.e. were the appellant authorities obliged to look at new developments] it would mean a never-ending system of appeal, each court up the line being obliged to review the facts in the light of events as they stood, not at the time of the original decision but as they stood at each stage of the appellate system, and the system would become even more unmanageable than some people believe it to be at present."