“6. Unanimously, the respondent did not discriminate against the claimant on grounds of race.”
“4.6. Race Discrimination. The claimant says that because of her nationality or national origin (Bulgarian) she was less favourably treated by (a) paying her less than the national minimum wage (b) getting her to sign false statements of pay received (c) forcing her to continue work and failing to address her concerns as to health and safety. The respondent denies such treatment; if they did so treat her in any respect, it was not because of race.”
“8. Many of the facts were disputed, and on some we could not agree. Given the interlinking of mutually contradictory assertions, we record the differences and make our findings when reviewing the evidence overall.”
“It’s not right, but with my English, what should I do? I had no other work, only job I had, I had to pay the rent.”
“27. The claimant says that after some weeks or months of working for the respondent she was talking to other Bulgarians working in London who asked what she earned, and was told that no one in London worked for£4 per hour (£200 net for 48 hours [sic] work, if her evidence is accepted, is£4.16 per hour). She did not take it up with her employer as in her view a pay increase was unlikely to be the result of any complaint, and it was better to have some income than none. She had queried the hours worked.”
“30. … It is accepted that on occasion the claimant and her colleagues did have to do this. Other health and safety problems were mentioned in evidence - one of the many factual disputes was whether a dead rat was in fact a mouse, but as neither rodent was pleaded in relation to detriment or dismissal we do not need to decide the point.”
“36. If there was such a conversation, why did they ask then? They said it was because they were having to take on additional duties (the bedframes and mattress spraying, changing lightbulbs, fixing televisions), and it was unfair that they were underpaid, and colleagues [were] getting more than them. They did not use the words “national minimum wage”, not knowing them in English. They are familiar with the concept, confirming there is a national minimum wage in Bulgaria, but did not know what it was in Britain. They did not ask for more than£250 , believing that asking for more than the highest paid employee received was unrealistic. Paragraph 27 suggests this was close to what they would have received had statutory deductions been made.”
“51. Where we divided was over the significance of Mr Curtis’s evidence. So far as we know he has no interest in the proceedings. He is a reasonably regular guest at the hotel and stays when he has a London booking to run a disco at an office party. But for his evidence we would have agreed that probably the claimant’s account was right and the respondent’s wrong.”
“69. The website post of 5 March is almost certainly the result of Mr Moussoulides following his usual recruitment practice of asking existing staff for suggestions and Maya making the post of her own initiative - not as a result of a decision by the respondent to advertise. It is of course possible, but unlikely, that it relates to another hotel in the area. The coincidence of the cash amount, without reference to hours, is striking. It is not credible (to the majority) that such an elaborate set up would be instigated by the claimant and her colleague, and while understandable that the claimant would not try to call someone (Maya) who remained in employment and so wary of giving evidence, it is hard to understand why the respondent should not at least make enquiries or arrange to call her, if this post was, as they say, nothing to do with them, to say so, or indeed to confirm their case on pay, pay packets, hours of work, and the rota. …”
“84. The claim is for direct discrimination under section 13 of the Equality Act, that the claimant was less favourably treated because if [sic] race, here, being of Bulgarian national origin or nationality. The comparator is hypothetical, and counsel for the claimant suggests a person of English origin, or more particularly that we should go straight to considering the reason for less favourable treatment. The detrimental treatment alleged is being forced to accept a salary less than the national minimum wage, being forced to sign petty cash vouchers (“Payslips”) falsely stating the hours and the sum paid, and being forced to work after raising health and safety issues (which should perhaps be completed by adding “without addressing those valid complaints”).”
“85. … We are invited to consider that on the facts, namely that all (or most) of the cleaners were Bulgarian, that all were paid less than the national minimum wage and made to sign false vouchers, and all required to work without adequate protective equipment, despite protest, the Tribunal could conclude that discrimination occurred, unless the respondent can show that race was not the reason for the treatment, and discrimination played no part whatsoever in the treatment. We must have regard to the reverse burden of proof set out in section 136 of the 2010 Act.”
“86. … that there is no evidence of hostility to Bulgarians, indeed, if there were, why would he employ so many. They add, in view of the claimant’s argument that less favourable treatment occurred because these Bulgarians had very poor English, that poor English was not the reason for the treatment, as Silvia Todorova Stoyanova spoke English, and also Greek, having attended school in Greece, and Ms Lefterova had adequate English, translating for the others.”
“87. The Tribunal noted that many other nationalities seeking work in the UK have poor English, and many from Eastern European members of the EU, who will also accept low waged work which is still better than can be found at home. The fact that the respondent mainly employed Bulgarians is likely to result from word of mouth recruitment, rather than selecting Bulgarians because of their economic vulnerability - if the latter is the reason, why not Romanians? They do employ a few cleaners who are not Bulgarian, including it seems two who are British. The theory of a market economy, based on observation of practice, is that economically rational employers will pay for labour at the lowest wage obtainable, and that economically rational workers will seek the highest wage they can get, and strike a bargain at what becomes the going rate. For social and political reasons governments seek to regular the market in wages, as by imposing a legal minimum wage, to limit the misery that may otherwise result, and set health and safety requirements. Economically rational employers may still subvert this by taking advantage of whomever they can find who will accept less than the minimum wage rate, or poor safety standards, whether because of limited language skills making them unaware of their rights, low skill levels, irregular immigration status, homelessness, mental disability, and so on. This may include people with race as a protected characteristic, but also many without. Further, there may be many non-English nationals, or those for whom English is not a first language, who are not in the group prepared to take low paid work in poor conditions. There is no indirect discrimination claim, where poor language skills might be a better fit, but if there were, we do not have figures to assess comparative disadvantage. We concluded that an exploitative employer was not necessarily a race discriminatory employer, and so find against the claimant.”
“ Direct discrimination (1) A person (A) discriminates against another (B) if, because of a protected characteristic, A treats B less favourably than A treats or would treat others.”
“(1) On a comparison of cases for the purposes of section 13 … there must be no material difference between the circumstances relating to each case.”
“20. … Whether there has been discrimination on the ground of sex or race depends upon whether sex or race was the criterion applied as the basis for discrimination. The motive for discriminating according to that criterion is not relevant.”
“43. … More often racial discrimination will have to be established, if at all, as a matter of inference. It is of the greatest importance that the primary facts from which such inference is drawn are set out with clarity by the Tribunal in its fact-finding role, so that the validity of the inference can be examined. Either the facts justifying such inference exist or they do not, but only the Tribunal can say what those facts are. A mere intuitive hunch, for example, that there has been unlawful discrimination, is insufficient without facts being found to support that conclusion.”
“8. … Sometimes the less favourable treatment issue cannot be resolved without, at the same time, deciding the reason why issue. The two issues are intertwined.”
“11. This analysis seems to me to point to the conclusion that employment tribunals may sometimes be able to avoid arid and confusing disputes about the identification of the appropriate comparator by concentrating primarily on why the claimant was treated as she was. Was it on the proscribed ground which is the foundation of the application? That will call for an examination of all the facts of the case. Or was it for some other reason? If the latter, the application fails. If the former, there will … usually be no difficulty in deciding whether the treatment, afforded to the claimant on the prescribed ground, was less favourable than was or would have been afforded to others. 12. The most convenient and appropriate way to tackle the issue arising on any discrimination application must always depend upon the nature of the issues and all the circumstances of the case. There will be cases where it is convenient to decide the less favourable treatment issue first. But, for the reason set out above, when formulating their decisions employment tribunals may find it helpful to consider whether they should postpone determining the less favourable treatment issue until after they have decided why the treatment was afforded to the claimant. …”