“It is an administrative failing in a case as sensitive as this for there to be no advice or record setting out the basis for the decision.”
“If the Council had given more considered attention to the principle of respect for private life enshrined in Article 8 it is likely that it would have reached a more proportionate decision that did not, for example, imperil the privacy of vulnerable children.”
“There needed to be a good reason to not support the recommendations of the Ombudsman.”
“If people felt embarrassed or hurt the Council should apologise… What is done, is done. Today’s compensation culture has gone too far.”
“The Commission has published guidance on good practice on remedies that was sent to all councils. One of the general principles set out in the guidance is that a remedy should be appropriate and proportionate to the injustice. It should, as far as possible, put the complainant back in the position he would have been but for the maladministration. However, in many circumstances, this cannot be achieved because particular events have occurred and “the clock cannot be turned back”
“1. That the Council, having given due weight to the findings of the Ombudsman, do not agree with the Ombudsman that a monetary reward [sic] of any kind would be a fair and equitable remedy in this case because it would not undo the worry and anxiety caused and because the Council’s mistake was rectified immediately and the repercussions feared by the Complainants did not materialise. 2. The Council requests the Chief Executive to send a further letter of apology to the families affected.”
“I accept that nothing can undo the worry and anxiety the Complainants have suffered. I also accept the Council took prompt action to remove the sensitive information from its website but it is for me to decide whether or not it is appropriate to recommend a payment of compensation. In these cases the compensation is intended to recognise the distress caused to the Complainants which the Chief Executive has now acknowledged they suffered and which is in accordance with the good practice guidance we have published…”
“There is the suggestion that the Council should issue a statement disputing the right of the Ombudsman to make his findings and that this would provide the Council with an adequate remedy. Such an action would wholly undermine the system of Ombudsman’s reports and would, in effect, provide for an appeal to the media against his findings. The parliamentary intention was that reports by Ombudsmen should be loyally accepted by the local authorities concerned. This is clear from Section 30, subsection 4 and subsection 5 which require the local authority to make the report available for inspection by the public and to advertise this fact, from Section 31(1) which requires the local authority to notify the Ombudsman of the action which it has taken and proposes to take in the light of his report and from Section 31(2) which entitles the Ombudsman to make a further report if the local authority’s response is not satisfactory.”
“There was no general rule that findings of fact made in the course of a statutory investigation could only be impugned on the grounds that they were irrational; that findings of maladministration made by the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration following an investigation underSection 5(1) of the Parliamentary Commissioner Act 1967 were not binding on the relevant minister, and nothing in that Act required the minister to obtain relief by way of judicial review before rejecting them or precluded him, when he was called to account before either House, from explaining as part of his justification for deciding to provide no remedy in respect of the complaint, his reasons for rejecting such findings; and that, therefore, where the minister had been the subject of a finding of maladministration he was entitled to reject it in favour of his own view, provided that his decision to do so was not irrational, having regard to the legislative intention underlying the 1967 Act that those bodies for whose actions there was a minister capable of being called to account by Parliament were to be subject to investigation by the Commissioner.”
“The question is not whether the Defendant himself considers that there was maladministration but whether in the circumstances his rejection of the Ombudsman’s findings to this effect is based on cogent reasons.”
“40. There is nothing in those passages – or elsewhere in the White Paper – which suggests that, in introducing legislation for the appointment of a Parliamentary Commissioner, the Government intended that ministers (or the complainant) should be bound by findings in any report which the commissioner might think it appropriate to make. The purpose for which the legislation was introduced was to give Members of Parliament – in particular, members of the House of Commons – access to the services of an independent and authoritative investigator as “a better instrument which they can use to protect the citizen”
“It…behoves the court to be ever sensitive to the paramount need to refrain from trespassing upon the province of Parliament, or so far as this can be avoided, even appearing to do so.” “It…behoves the court to be ever sensitive to the paramount need to refrain from trespassing upon the province of Parliament, or so far as this can be avoided, even appearing to do so.”
“137. Ex p Eastleigh Borough Council was, of course, a case brought under a different statute, theLocal Government Act 1974 . Quite apart from the different statutory provisions, however, what strikes me as a broader consideration is the clear difference between the remedies provided by the two statutes. Thus under the 1967 Act, a minister who rejects the ombudsman’s findings of maladministration will have to defend him or herself in Parliament, and will be subject to parliamentary control. The ultimate remedy for aggrieved citizens such as the complainants in the instant case, whose complaints to their Members of Parliament have led to the ombudsman’s report, will – ultimately – be through political action rather than judicial intervention. 138. In making these observations, I have not lost sight of the fact that the decision of the minister/Secretary of State to reject the parliamentary ombudsman’s findings of maladministration is itself, capable of being judicially reviewed on conventional public law grounds. However, in this context, the remedy – if the application for judicial review is successful – is procedural rather than substantive. The decision is quashed as unlawful, and the minister must think again. The limitations on judicial review as a remedy do not need to be spelled out. 139. In cases involving the local government ombudsman (“LGO”), the citizen who has invoked his assistance has – in law – no substantive remedy against the local authority concerned if that authority rejects the LGO’s conclusion. It is true that the citizen could apply for judicial review of the local authority’s decision not to implement the LGO’s findings, but the system, as I understand it, depends upon the convention that local authorities will be bound by the findings of the LGO. It must follow inexorably that if a local authority wishes to avoid findings of maladministration made by a LGO, it must apply for judicial review to quash the decision.”
“6.91 The statutory regimes which underpin the actions of the ombudsmen are similar in one particular way. They rely on publicity, whether in Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales or local press, as the primary mechanism with which to encourage the implementation of reports. Within the bare statutory schemes, the final weapon available to any of the ombudsmen is not a binding order or a declaration that the public authority had acted in an illegal manner. Rather, it is the placement of their findings and recommendations in the public sphere. In some cases, the statute requires the authority to publish this. In others, there is a power to place a report before an elected body – either the Houses of Parliament or the National Assembly of Wales. 6.92 The current state of case law in Bradley and Equitable Members Action Group follows this basic principle and effectively leaves courts outside any debate on the merits of recommendations of the Parliamentary Commissioner. In relation to findings, the Government should only reject the Parliamentary Commissioner’s findings when it gives “cogent reasons” for doing so. 6.93 The position, following ex parte Eastleigh and Bradley, in relation to the Local Government Ombudsman is very different. Here the findings of the Local Government Ombudsman are effectively binding unless successfully challenged by way of judicial review. 6.94 The implementation of any recommendation would almost always have an effect on the distribution of public resources. The proper place for such discussions is not in a court or similar body, which would be the ultimate effect of giving them a binding quality. To make recommendations binding would change the nature of the relationship between ombudsmen and those they oversee, removing the proper discussion and the collaborative approach that the original drafters saw as part of the ombudsman process – as we set out in Part 2. 6.95 Therefore, in relation to recommendations, we think that the approach adopted by the courts in relation to the Parliamentary Commissioner is broadly correct. We provisionally conclude that the proper approach to recommendations is as partof the political process.”