“The provisions of this Convention shall not apply to any person with respect to whom there are serious reasons for considering that: (a) he has committed a crime against peace, a war crime, or a crime against humanity, as defined in the international instruments drawn up to make provision in respect of such crimes.” (a) he has committed a crime against peace, a war crime, or a crime against humanity, as defined in the international instruments drawn up to make provision in respect of such crimes.”
“It is…considered that you have been complicit in war crimes and crimes against humanity. Accordingly, pursuant to article 1F(a) it is considered that you are excluded from the protection of the Refugee Convention and that you are also excluded from the protection of Humanitarian Protection.”
“The US State Department Report 2006 (USSD), Sri Lanka, released on6 March 2007 noted that “The LTTE routinely used excessive force in the war, including attacks targeting civilians. Since the peace process began in 2001, the LTTE has engaged in targeted killings, kidnapping, high-jackings of truck shipments and forcible recruitment, including of children.” “The USSD 2006 reported that “During the year the LTTE continued to detain civilians, often holding them for ransom…” “As noted in the Amnesty Intentional report “Sri Lanka – A climate of fear in the East”, published on3 February 2006 : “Amnesty International has received regular reports of abductions of adults by the LTTE following the 2004 split. Most of those abducted have reportedly been Tamil civilians whom the LTTE suspects of working against it or whom it wishes to interrogate…” “The USSD 2006 noted that the LTTE engaged in torture.” “As noted in the International Crisis Group document “Sri Lanka’s Human Rights Crisis Asia Report No 135”14 June 2007 : “The LTTE has from its inception used assassination of its Tamil opponents as a way of suppressing rival nationalist movements. It also has a long history of assassinations and attempted assassinations against political and military leaders…”
“31. In the light of the above country objective evidence it is considered that the LTTE and the intelligence wing of the LTTE have, over an extended period of time, including between 2000 and 2006 when you were both an adult and an active member of the LTTE, been responsible for a wide range [of] war crimes and crimes against humanity. 32. From the evidence provided by you in your claim it is considered that you have shown that you were a long-term voluntary member of the LTTE who served in the intelligence wing of the LTTE in a variety of roles. The fact that you were appointed to be the bodyguard for Pottu Amman, the head of the intelligence wing, provides evidence of how highly trusted you were within the LTTE. 33. It is noted that although you joined the LTTE in 1993 at the age of 10 you nevertheless continued operations with the LTTE from your 18th birthday in September 2000 until you left Sri Lanka in February 2007. It is considered that if you were acting against your will as a member of the LTTE you would have had opportunities to leave the organisation during this latter 6 year period. 34. However, it is considered that you continued to operate within the LTTE and even gained promotions. This shows that you were a voluntary member of the LTTE. In this regard the case of Gurung [2002] UKIAT 04870 (starred) has been considered in which it was determined that voluntary membership of an extremist group could be presumed to amount to personal and knowing participation, or at least acquiescence, amounting to complicity in the crimes in question. 35. Accordingly, it is concluded that your own evidence shows voluntary membership and command responsibility within an organisation that has been responsible for widespread and systematic war crimes and crimes against humanity. From the evidence you have provided it is considered that there are serious reasons for considering that you were aware of and fully understood the methods employed by the LTTE.”
“…it would be wrong to say that an appellant only came within the Exclusion Clauses if the evidence established that he has personally participated in acts contrary to the provisions of article 1F. If the organisation is one or has become one whose aims, methods and activities are predominantly terrorist in character, then very little more will be necessary.”
“a significant member of the LTTE, involved in some significant operations by that organisation, culminating, as I have said, in his position in the Combat Unit of the Intelligence Division where he ended up in charge of the Attacking Unit.”
“1. A person who planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted in the planning, preparation or execution of crime referred to in articles 2 – 5 of the present Statute, shall be individually responsible for the crime. 2. The official position of any accused person, whether as Head of State or Government or as a responsible government official, shall not relieve such person of criminal responsibility nor mitigate punishment. 3. The fact that any of the acts referred to in articles 2-5 of the present Statute was committed by a subordinate does not relieve his superior of criminal responsibility if he knew or had reason to know that the subordinate was about to commit such acts or had done so and the superior failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or to punish the perpetrators thereof. 4. The fact that an accused person acted pursuant to an order of Government or of a superior shall not relieve him of criminal responsibility, but may be considered in mitigation of punishment if the International Tribunal determines that justice so requires.”
“The basic assumption must be that in International law as much as in national systems, the foundation of criminal responsibility is the principle of personal culpability: nobody may be held criminally responsible for acts or transactions in which he has not personally engaged or in some other way participated (nulla poena sine culpa).”
“It [the Statute] does not exclude those modes of participating in the commission of crimes which occur where several persons having a common purpose embark on criminal activity that is then carried out either jointly or by some members of this plurality of persons. Whoever contributes to the commission of crimes by the group of persons or some members of the group, in the execution of a common criminal purpose, may be held to be criminally liable, subject to certain conditions, which are specified below.”
“This category of cases…is really a variant of the first category, considered above. The accused, when they were found guilty, were regarded as co-perpetrators of the crimes of ill-treatment, because of their objective “position of authority” within the concentration camp system and because they had “the power to look after the inmates and make their life satisfactory” but failed to do so. It would seem that in these cases the required actus reus was the active participation in the enforcement of a system of repression, as it could be inferred from the position of authority and the specific functions held by each accused. The mens rea element comprised: (i) knowledge of the nature of the system and (ii) the intent to further the common concerted design to ill-treat inmates.”
“An example of this would be a common, shared intention on the part of a group to forcibly remove members of one ethnicity from their town, village or region (to effect “ethnic cleansing”) with the consequence that, in the course of doing so, one or more of the victims is shot and killed. While murder may not have been explicitly acknowledged to be part of the common design, it was nevertheless foreseeable that the forcible removal of civilians at gunpoint might well result in the deaths of one or more of those civilians. Criminal responsibility may be imputed to all participants within the common enterprise where the risk of death occurring was both a predictable consequence of the execution of the common design and the accused was either reckless or indifferent to that risk.”
“The “bridge”, to use JCE’s counsel’s term, between the JCE’s objective and Krajisnik’s criminal liability, as far as his mens rea is concerned, consisted of the shared intent that the crimes involved in the common objective be carried out.”
“Article 25 Individual criminal responsibility 1. The court shall have jurisdiction over natural persons pursuant to this Statute. 2. A person who commits a crime within the jurisdiction of the Court shall be individually responsible and liable for punishment in accordance with this Statute. 3. In accordance with this Statute, a person shall be criminally responsible and liable for punishment for a crime within the jurisdiction of the Court if that person: (a) commits such a crime, whether as an individual, jointly with another or through another person, regardless of whether that other person is criminally responsible; (b) orders, solicits or induces the commission of such a crime which in fact occurs or is attempted; (c) for the purpose of facilitating the commission of such a crime, aids, abets or otherwise assists in its commission or its attempted commission, including providing the means for its commission; (d) in any other way contributes to the commission or attempted commission of such a crime by a group of persons acting with a common purpose. Such contribution shall be intentional and shall either: (i) be made with the aim of furthering the criminal activity or criminal purpose of the group, where such activity or purpose involves the commission of a crime within the jurisdiction of the Court; or (ii) be made in the knowledge of the intention of the group to commit the crime; (e) in respect of the crime of genocide, directly and publicly incites others to commit genocide; (f) attempts to commit such crime by taking action that commences its execution by means of a substantial step, but the crime does not occur because of circumstances independent of the person’s intentions. However, a person who abandons the effort to commit the crime or otherwise prevents the completion of the crime shall not be liable for punishment under this Statute for the attempt to commit that crime if that person completely and voluntarily gave up the criminal purpose”
“The Convention provision refers to “the International Instruments drawn up to make provisions in respect of such crimes”
“Leaders, organisers, instigators and accomplices participating in the formulation or execution of a common plan or conspiracy to commit any of the foregoing crimes are responsible for all acts performed by any persons in execution of such plan”
“What degree of complicity, then, is required to be an accomplice or abettor? A first conclusion I come to is that mere membership in an organisation which from time to time commits international offences is not normally sufficient for exclusion from Refugee status. Indeed, this is in accord with the intention of the signatory states, as is apparent from the post-war International Military Tribunal already referred to. Grahl-Madsen, supra at page 277, states: “It is important to note that the International Military Tribunal excluded from collective responsibility “persons who had no knowledge of the criminal purposes or acts of the organisation and those who were drafted by the State for membership, unless they were personally implicated in the commission of acts declared criminal via article 6 of the Charter as members of the organisation. Membership alone is not enough to come within the scope of these declarations”
“In my view, it is undesirable to go beyond the criterion of personal and knowing participation in persecutorial acts in establishing a general principle. The rest should be decided in relation to the particular facts.”
“Guilt By Association It is well settled that mere membership in an organisation involved in international offences is not sufficient basis on which to invoke the exclusion clause…An exception to this general rule arises where the organisation is one whose very existence is premised on achieving political or social ends by any means deemed necessary. Membership in a secret police force may be deemed sufficient grounds for invoking the exclusion clause; see Naredo and Arduengo v Minister of Employment and Immigration (1990) 37 FTR 161 (FCTD), but see Ramirez… … It is settled law that acts or omissions amounting to passive acquiescence are not a sufficient basis for invoking the exclusion clause. Personal involvement in persecutorial acts must be established. In this regard the reasoning in Ramirez is both binding and compelling: at bottom, complicity rests in such cases, I believe, on the existence of a shared, purpose and the knowledge that all of the parties in question may have of it. At page 320, MacGuigan JA concluded: In my view, it is undesirable to go beyond the criterion of personal and knowing participation in prosecutorial acts in establishing a general principle. The rest should be decided in relation to the particular facts.”
“In certain cases raising article 1F issues, an adjudicator will be confronted with someone who has acted on his own, having committed, for example, an ordinary serious crime such as murder. However, in many cases involving exclusion issues an adjudicator will be faced with evidence that an individual is a member of an organisation committed to armed struggle or the use of violence as a means to achieve its political goals. To take typical examples, the appellant may have been a member of the PKK in Turkey, the LTTE in Sri Lanka, the FLN or GIA in Algeria, or, as in the instant case, the CPN (Maoist) in Nepal. Or he may be linked to a multi-national organisation vowing armed struggle such as Al-Qaeda.”
“…it would be wrong to say that an appellant only came within the Exclusion Clauses if the evidence established that he has personally participated in acts contrary to the provisions of art 1F. If the organisation is one or has become one whose aims, methods and activities are predominately terrorist in character, very little more will be necessary. We agree in this regard with the formulation given to this issue by the UNHCR in their post September 11, 2001 document, Addressing Security Concerns without Undermining Refugee Protection: UNHCR’s Perspective, at para 18: “Where, however, there is sufficient proof that an asylum-seeker belongs to an extremist international terrorist group, such as those involved in the 11 September attacks, voluntary membership could be presumed to amount to personal and knowing participation, or at least acquiescence amounting to complicity in the crimes in question…” ” “Where, however, there is sufficient proof that an asylum-seeker belongs to an extremist international terrorist group, such as those involved in the 11 September attacks, voluntary membership could be presumed to amount to personal and knowing participation, or at least acquiescence amounting to complicity in the crimes in question…” ”
“112. On one end of the continuum, let us postulate an organisation that has very significant support amongst the population and has developed political aims and objectives covering political, social, economic and cultural issues. Its long-term aims embrace a parliamentary, democratic mode of government and safeguarding of basic human rights. But it has in a limited way or for a limited period created an armed struggle wing in response to atrocities committed by a dictatorial government. In such a case an adjudicator should be extremely slow to conclude that an appellant’s mere membership of such an organisation raises any real issue under art 1F, unless there is evidence that the armed actions of this organisation are not in fact proportionate acts which qualify as “non-political crimes” within art 1F(b) and, if they are not, that he has played a leading or actively facilitative role in the commission of acts or crimes undertaken by the armed struggle wing. 113. At the other end of this continuum, let us postulate an organisation which has little or no political agenda or which, if it did originally have genuine political aims and objectives, has increasingly come to focus on terrorism as a modus operandi. Its recruitment policy, its structure and strategy has become almost entirely devoted to the execution of terrorist acts which are seen as a way of winning in the war against the enemy, even if the chosen targets are primarily civilians. Let us further suppose that the type of government such an organisation promotes is authoritarian in character and abhors the identification by international human rights law of certain fundamental human rights. In the case of such an organisation, any individual who has knowingly joined such an organisation will have difficulty in establishing he or she is not complicit in the acts of such an organisation. 114. In operating this continuum…useful guidance has been furnished by several Canadian cases, Ramirez in particular, where the test is formulated as a two-fold one of assessing firstly, whether an individual occupies a leadership role or other position of authority in the organisation; and secondly, whether the organisation’s principal or dominant purpose has come to be one of the commission of acts contrary to art 1F.”
“It was the applicant’s admission that he had killed about eight Sri Lankan army soldiers in battle not that he had unlawfully killed wounded soldiers. The Tribunal is not satisfied on this basis that he is disqualified from the protection of the Convention under article 1F(a). His participation in the war does not give rise to serious reasons for considering that he has committed either a crime against peace, a war crime or a crime against humanity…The applicant’s activities were carried out in the course of combat and cannot be characterised as serious non-political crimes.”
“21. There is much background from a wide spectrum of sources on the activities of the LTTE. Its political objective is Tamil self-determination and self-government in the northern areas of Sri Lanka. In some of those areas it has a functioning alternative government with a police force and social services. It has a regular, structured and uniformed military force, which engages in armed conflict with the Sri Lankan army. It is ruthlessly controlled and disciplined. It commits as a matter of policy and not of lack of control or individual zeal widespread acts of criminality and terror against soldiers and civilians, including ethnic cleansing, intimidation, massacres, murder, torture and suicide bombing. 22. The LTTE plainly falls somewhere within the spectrum described in paragraphs 112/3 of Gurung. Exactly where is a matter of individual judgment. Although in our view not falling too far short, we find that the principal or dominant purpose of the LTTE has not come to be one of the commission of acts contrary to article 1F. On the basis of our findings, the appellant occupied within the LTTE an intermediate position of leadership and authority, with responsibility for battlefield command and surveillance but not for atrocities and human rights abuses. In the light of these conclusions, and mindful of the non-binding decision in PK, we conclude that article 1F and Immigration Rule 339D do not serve to exclude him from refugee and humanitarian protection.”
“21. Conclusions Returning to the facts of the case, the important ones fall into two categories: (a) The appellant’s admitted participation in military field action and administration This no doubt involved treason or other serious crimes, contrary to the law of Sri Lanka; but equally clearly it formed part of an attempt by the Tamil Tigers to change the government of that part of Sri Lanka to which they refer as Tamil Eelam, and they cannot be described as non-political or come within article 1F(b). It was not suggested before us that article 1F(c), or the limb of (a) involving crimes against peace, were involved in this case. It follows that, unless there was material in the facts as found at least to suggest that the appellant had himself been involved in war crimes, or crimes against humanity, which there is not, then his own actions could not form the basis for any obvious case for exclusion. (b) The involvement of the Tamil Tigers as a movement in attacks on the civil population It will already be quite plain from the brief history set out…that these raised about as obvious a case as there could be of war crimes or crimes against humanity…This was just as savage a campaign of terrorism (to avoid argument on our use of that word, we mean in this context war crimes, crimes against humanity, or “serious non-political crimes”) as those directed in recent years against the civil population of New York or London. Returning to the facts of the case, the important ones fall into two categories: (a) The appellant’s admitted participation in military field action and administration This no doubt involved treason or other serious crimes, contrary to the law of Sri Lanka; but equally clearly it formed part of an attempt by the Tamil Tigers to change the government of that part of Sri Lanka to which they refer as Tamil Eelam, and they cannot be described as non-political or come within article 1F(b). It was not suggested before us that article 1F(c), or the limb of (a) involving crimes against peace, were involved in this case. It follows that, unless there was material in the facts as found at least to suggest that the appellant had himself been involved in war crimes, or crimes against humanity, which there is not, then his own actions could not form the basis for any obvious case for exclusion. (b) The involvement of the Tamil Tigers as a movement in attacks on the civil population It will already be quite plain from the brief history set out…that these raised about as obvious a case as there could be of war crimes or crimes against humanity…This was just as savage a campaign of terrorism (to avoid argument on our use of that word, we mean in this context war crimes, crimes against humanity, or “serious non-political crimes”) as those directed in recent years against the civil population of New York or London. 22. That campaign of terrorism was well known to anyone who took any interest in the recent history of Sri Lanka…If the facts before [the immigration judge] showed any obvious case for the appellant himself being held responsible for it, then that raised a case under article 1F which she needed to consider. Whether they did or not was what we see as the real question before us.”
“As well as the savage campaign of terrorism in Colombo and elsewhere to which we have referred, they also conduct an ordinary shooting war in the north, and it was only that in which this appellant admitted to being involved: we cannot see how someone in command of no more than 40 troops could be held obviously responsible for anything done in either the east, Colombo, or the particularly repugnant outrage at the holy shrine in Kandy. While it is possible that further evidence about the Tamil Tigers’ structure or chain of command, if available at all, might shed further light on his position, no such evidence was before the judge…”
“Thus, as the appellant has not himself engaged in acts such as to be correctly categorised as war crimes or crimes against humanity the only remaining possible route to exclusion is on the basis of complicity with the wider acts of the LTTE beyond those with which the appellant was personally involved.”
“Although it is clear from all that is said above that membership of an organisation will not be enough [to exclude an appellant from the Refugee Convention], the nature of the organisation may be that not very much more than that is required. But something more is required…”
“Exclusion is not established by a label or rank entitlement. It is necessary to look at what the appellant actually did and what his involvement with the LTTE was. The evidence is that he was involved only in two attacks on army camps some years ago, which the respondent accepts should not lead to exclusion, and in the identification and arrest of those in respect of whom there was reason to suspect as spies. The LTTE is regarded by the United Kingdom as a terrorist organisation. But it acts in the areas were it holds control as a de facto state with responsibilities for security. As such it is to be expected that it should take steps to identify and remove spies in order to promote the safety of the civilian population it has accepted responsibility for.”
“(a) acts of committing, preparing or instigating terrorism (whether or not the acts amount to an actual or inchoate offence), and (b) acts of encouraging or inducing others to commit, prepare or instigate terrorism (whether or not the acts amount to an actual or inchoate offence).”
“It is clear on the evidence before us that the appellant was no mere member of the organisation as on his own evidence he had an active role to play. That role was one that was valued by the LTTE because the appellant had particular skills that enabled them to be more accurate in their targeting of Sri Lankan forces…We have no hesitation in finding the appellant played a crucial role for the LTTE in its armed campaign against the government. Whilst we have noted his evidence that he was never involved in any conflict that caused injury or death to civilians, nevertheless we are of the view that, in the light of his role, the appellant must have known the type of organisation he was joining; its purpose and the extent to which the organisation was prepared to go to meet its aims.”