“…there is continuing targeting of Dioulas and RDR supporters in Ivory Coast, though as to the Dioula, a claim is largely unsubstantiated.”
“…the fact that I am a Dioula, Muslim and a member of the RDR is the real reason behind my arrest.”
“It’s always the same order, where you come from the north Korhogo and you are Dioula. You are judged as being RDR or a rebel or attacker”
“I believe that the real reason I was targeted and falsely accused of these attacks is because I am Dioula and a member of the RDR. The Government believes that Dioula are all members of the RDR…”
“The Appellant was not claiming persecution solely on ethnic grounds, but because of a combination of different factors, not least the perception by the police of his as a Burkinabe.”
“The evidence, however, is in the Tribunal’s opinion far from showing that there is either a presidential policy of targeting low-level RDR members and supporters or an unchecked campaign on the part of non-government militias against such persons, on such a scale as to put at real risk any low-level RDR member or supporter.”
“Having considered all of the evidence, the Tribunal does not consider that the oral and documentary evidence of Miss Griffiths constitutes evidence that this Appellant, a low-level member of the RDR who has never been arrested or detained by the authorities, and who left Ivory Coast in 2000, would be at real risk on return today…”
“The absence of any evidence of political involvement for the RDR between October 2000 and July 2005, and in particular of the Appellant’s participation in25 March 2004 march, leads us to conclude that his RDR profile was distinctly low level.”
“We do not dispute the possibility that the Appellant may have Dioula ancestry. However, we find as a fact that he was at all material times an assimilated southerner and Ivoirienne.”
“We do not accept that the Appellant has made out a well-founded fear of persecution by reason of Dioula ethnicity for the reasons given at paragraph #197-201 above. 204. We find no evidence to suggest that the Apellant has suffered persecution by reason of his Muslim faith. 205. In assessing whether the Appellant has made out a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of actual political allegiance with RDR, we note: [several factual matters are set out, but no conclusion is stated]. 206. We turn next to consider whether the Appellant would be at risk by reason of imputed political opinion.”
“We have found no evidence to justify that premise on the particular facts of this case, in the light of which we do not accept that this Appellant would face a risk on return for reasons of imputed political opinion.”
“We do not consider that his position is in any way changed by his association with RDR (UK).”
“In this decision we have concentrated primarily on the issue of risk to RDR members and supporters (or sympathisers) or persons perceived as such.”
“We consider that taken as a whole the background evidence does not bear out that political oppositionists in the Ivory Coast in general face a real risk of persecution or serious harm or ill-treatment on return. However, where a person is able to establish a political profile as an activist political oppositionist (whether as a member from a southern political party (e.g. the RDR) or as a member of the northern-based FN), the position may well be different, at least so far as risk in that person’s home area is concerned. For the sake of clarity we emphasise here that by activist or militant we mean something more than being someone with an official position in a local branch of a party. Likewise, a person who is not a member but merely a supporter of the RDR or the FN (or other oppositionist parties or organisation) may, depending on the circumstances, be able to show a real risk if he or she is also an activist. 85. In reaching the above conclusions we acknowledge that there were more incidents of threats and violence directed against certain political opposition parties (including the RDR) in 2006 than in 2005. However, as before, it was primary directed at oppositionists (especially RDR) leaders and activists and those closely involved with them. While the background evidence (including Mr Reeve’s report) does bear out a continuing real risk of persecution or ill-treatment to high-level opposition party members or to activists, it does not demonstrate that low-level or medium-level members or supporters are at risk: the principle thrust of his report is that there is a serious risk on return to active members or supporters, not to low- level or medium-low-level oppositionists. 86. So far as the RDR is concerned (and in this regard its experiences appear typical of the other oppositionist parties), we find it significant that the reports of difficulties facing RDR members or those involved with the RDR predominantly relate to RDR leaders or activists or militants. Whilst there are also references in the main reports which identify difficulties for RDR members and supporters generally, these are far from showing a consistent pattern of violence or adverse treatment meeting the threshold of persecution or serious harm or ill-treatment contrary to Article 3.”
“The factors we have in mind are being of a particular ethnic or ethnographic background; being a northerner; being a Muslim and being a perceived West African immigrant. However, it seems to us that the background evidence, including Mr Reeve’s expert report, reflects the fact that none of these is sufficient in itself to give a real risk. Even in combination with a lower or medium level political profile as an oppositionist, we do not think that such factors will normally give rise to a real risk, but we do not rule out that they may sometimes operate as additional risk factors with some significance. What we say below about the appellant’s circumstances serves to illustrate this even when several factors relating to ethnicity, being a Muslim and a northerner, are taken into account alongside a finding that a person is a low-risk political oppositionist, the threshold of real risk may still not be reached.”